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Reel 4, Abraham Lincoln Papers
From James H. McDaniel to Abraham Lincoln 1, October 1, 1858
Dawson Ill Oct 1 1858
Dere Sir
They Have Avertised to commenced that Suit of ours at this term of court. the Shiriff has not given us notice as yet I dont no whether he has to or not. please to Send us word Immediately what we had better do and if you can at tend to it for us and if you cant who else we had better Employ I dont hardly think they will commence it but we had better be ready
Yours Verry respectfully
James H McDaniel
please to Send word by first mail
From Hawkins Taylor to Abraham Lincoln 1, October 3, 1858
Keokuk Oct 3rd 58
My Dear Lincoln
I with many others of your old Illinois friends feel great anxiety in your success in the great struggle now going on between Slavery and freedom not only in the State of Illinois but in the whole Union. Of all the enemies of Freedom probably none has done so much harm as the Greatest of Demagogues — Douglass To him and him alone are we indebted for the Kansas firebrand The late Compromisis had settled all [former?] troubles and they had been brot about by such men as Webster & Clay such as we will not have soon again And by their compromise evry inch of Territory held by the U. S. was either dedicated to freedom or Slavery All were satisfied. No, not all Douglass wanted to be President. he was living in a free State he was a western man he was a ‘Little Giant” he felt secure in the Northern & Western Democracy. he repealed the Missouri restriction against the extension of Slavery expicting by that means to secure the South, he failed so as the Presidency was concerned but he succeeded in arraying the South in favour of the extention of Slavery and now he is trying to get the North to submit to the New demand of Slavery. Will he succeed. God forbid. It appears that as the canvass progresses he (Douglass) discovers that he has attempted more than he contended for after having fully endorsed the Dred Scott decission he now attempts in a sneaking manner to nullify that decission by one of his characterized dodges but I must confess this last one dodge to be the most silly one that he has made. There is no use of Police regulations if the Dred Scott Decission is law to establish Slavery in the Territory Does not the President appoint the Govenor the Judges, the Marshal evry Post Masters, Mail agents &c &c. Now suppose that the Territorial legislature was to pass laws against Slavery does not evry one know that the Govenor would veto them. Does not evry one know that such Judges as [Lecomp?] & Cato would pronounce them unconstitutional & void, does not evry one know that the Judges makes their own Clerks and does not evry one know that these Clerks make out the list of U. S. Grand Jurors & Pettit Jurors and of any of them Jurors als do not attend these places are filled by the Marshal and does not evry one know that these Jurors will all be proslavery men and ready and willing to do the bidding of their masters and put through any one who may in the least interfere with Slavery in the Territory Douglass knows this and so do his Southern Masters
I rejoice that you have so fully sustained the confidence of your friends in this contest
Judge Douglass told a friend (his brother Judge Granger)
I expect to see and hear you at Quincy Illinois
Yours truly
Hawkins Taylor
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
Answered.
Hawkins Taylor
From E. Stover to Abraham Lincoln 1, October 5, 1858
Cherry Grove, Ill
Oct 5th 1858
Dear Sir —
I had stated in my letter to you that I had sent the same interogatories to S. A. Douglass that I sent to you— He never answered them at all. I am much obliged to you, for your plain answers.
I will inform you just how things stand in Carroll Co — and you can rely on my statements for I can go pretty near it, in the first place the vote will not be so heavy as in (56) all that were Republicans then, will vote for our candidate for Legislature this fall except two that I know of
The American vote in (56) was about 90 —, we will get four fifths of them; take it alltogether our majority will be about the same as in (56) about 850 —, you are aware that we are connected with Jo Daveiss Co— I am informed that they will at least tie our opponants there, so there is no question about our Representatives— In regard to the State Senator we are all right. we have a good Man. We will try and get as heavy a vote for the State ticket as we can— You will hear from us in November. And you will find that it will be as well as I have stated—
Yours Truly
E. Stover
From Geneseo Illinois Republican Club to Abraham Lincoln 1, October 11, 1858
Geneseo Henry Co Oct 11, 1858
Dear Sir — The Geneseo Republican Club respectfully represent that Stephen A Douglass is to address the Citizens of Henry Co on the 28th at this place, and of Rock Island Co at R I on the 29th Inst, and that the most extraordinary efforts are being made by the Douglass party to elect a Representative from this (the 28th) Dist. On the other hand it cannot be denied, but that general apathy and an utter want of enthusiasm pervades the Republican Party. Our Candidate is said to be a very worthy man & popular at home (Mercer County) but he is wholly unknown to us and for some reason or other we can not obtain his consent to visit us nor even get a reply to an invitation for him to meet Judge Kellogg
Our “Republican Paper” has gone into the hands of the Enemy and is quietly tho' thoroughly at work for Douglass— We have but a few Buchanan men in this Dist & they are only so on a/c of the Loaves & Fishes—”
In /56 the [Repubicl?] were awake and carried this County handsomely— Last year we fell on sleep and were badly beaten on County Tickets and we still seem to sleep on. That is to say the masses are asleep and need your voice & presence to wake them up. It is thought by our best judges that Judge Gilman & Judge Gould will come out of Rock Island & Mercer Counties into Henry Even, and that Henry Co must decide the battle. Hence the importance of your coming. We will make all necessary arrangements for you and do all in our power to render your visit of great interests to the cause and also of comfort to yourself.
I shall be very happy to consider you as my Guest and to make my house your home so long as you can tarry here; unless your inclinations are to stop at Hotel—
Respectfully —
J W Hosford
Prest. Gen. Rep Club.
From James G. Wright to Abraham Lincoln, October 11, 1858
Naperville, Ill. October 11th 1858.
Honl Sir
I would beg to call your attention to a pamphlet containing what is purported to be the speeches delivered by Judge Douglass & yourself in debate at Charleston, but if I am not much mistaken your speech is so badly mutilated that it is well calculated to work a great injury to yourself & our party's cause, there are about 10.000 of this pamphlet in this place for Circulation, & I fear will work on the unwary the Democrats are untiring & claiming that this version of your speech is must be correct from the fact that you have never taken the trouble to assert its falsity. You have doubtless seen the pamphlet I refer to, not only is it mutilated but your speech is in small poor type while Douglass' is in good clear & large, the pamphlet has doubtless issued from the Times office Chicago but contrary to an Established rule with all printers to endorse all their work with their names or the names of the office where the work was done, there is neither one nor the other on this damnable document. Enough to stamp it in the minds of all honest men with the little it deserves.
We look upon this here abouts as the most shameful and dishonest imposition & fraud, yet Committed by our unscrupable opponents, & respectfully suggest that it would be well for you in your next debate to call particular attention that they are Either affraid to or else cannot either speak or print the truth
Most Respfy Your Obd Sevt
Jas. G. Wright
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
J. G. Wright
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
5262
2400
21.048
10524 0
1861 — 12,628,800 - 67
111 8161
14628
13027
1601
From Henry C. Whitney to Abraham Lincoln, October 14, 1858
( Strictly Confidential)
Chicago Oct. 14, 1858.
Dear Sir
Of course you have seen or heard about the extensive colonization schemes that are now actually being carried out in various parts of the Stateout of the way precincts where our people are not up to matters of that kind & do not know well how to resist them:— they ought to be posted up by circulars expressly prepared for the purpose by the State Executive Com. teaching them their whole duty & how to do it in full & [unmistakeable?] language which circular should be sent to the leading men of every precinct no matter how small it is:— also the leading men of each County should visit every precinct & post up the people on this thing:— if such course is not taken the frauds will be immense:— Juddwou even in the least populous districts would act vigorously & resolutely if they know just what to do
Your Friend
H C Whitney.—
From Nathaniel G. Wilcox to Abraham Lincoln, October 21, 1858
Rushville Octr. 21, 1858.
My Dear Sir:
I send you herewith a paper containing the 2nd day's proceedings of the “Philad Whig Convention” of 1848.
I was not [presant?] yesterdaywhen you alluded to my course of action in said convention in contrast to that of “Singleton's”,
Collected Works, III, 329.
on reading the proceedings carefully you will not fail to notice the fact that on the vote being taken by “Ayes & Noes” on the first resolution reported by “the Committee of States” — that Singleton voted with all the balance of our delegation — to reject said resolution — (9 votes) and that on the two ballots taken for President only (8 votes) were cast. I declined to vote, (altho my name was called by the sect twice on each vote) Smith, Singleton & Coffing — voted for Clay.
Success to you, and the good cause;
in haste, Yours Truly
N. Greene Wilcox
From J. Rowan Herndon to Abraham Lincoln 1, October 25, 1858
Columbus Adams Coty Oct 25 1858
Friend Lincoln i send the few lines to let you know that Old Row is yet alive and up and a going i am still fiting in the Old Whig Ranks as i Even to fight i have found No Change in you as yet and i hope Nev unless for the Betor Now abe i Will tell you what we are Doing for you in this town we Will give you a mjority of 2 to 1 and that is hard to Beat I have counted all the legal votes and you get 2 to 1 Sertin and some Dutfull the duglasites are stedfast the Lincolites is the same way But going the floting vote i herd a Demacrat say that iff they sent Dug to Congress that he had No Party to goe with that the Bucks
J R Herndon
N B I am practice Law
From John J. Crittenden to Abraham Lincoln 1, October 27, 1858
Collected Works, III, 335-36. To Crittenden he wrote that to his defeat by Douglas “the use of your name contributed largely.”
Frankfort — Octr: 27th 1858.
My Dear Sir,
I have just been apprised that a paragraph in the St: Louis Republican (I think, that is the paper) contains some allusion to our private correspondence, and assumes to call on your for it's publication.
This has given me much pain & surprise. I do not beleive that you would ever have entertained a suspicion that I was capable of betraying that correspondence, & of causing or prompting, in any way, the paragraph above mentioned— But yet I desire to assure you that I have had no act or part, agency or privity in respect to it, or its publication— It is wholly unauthorised by me. I should have considered myself dishonored, if I could ever have consented to, or permitted any use to be made of our correspondence, that would have been injurious or embarrassing to you—
I hope that this will be satisfactory to you — and, furthermore, I hope that you will not permit this publication to annoy you, half as much as it annoys me.
I am,
Very Truly &
Respectfully
yr's &c
J J Crittenden
From Chester P. Dewey to Abraham Lincoln 1, October 30 [1858]
Post. His letter indicates the national attention that Lincoln had drawn in his campaign against Douglas.
Rochester N. Y. Oct 30.
Dear Sir
My corresponding duties ceased in Illinois last week. & I came home a few days ago, & am here before going to New York. I send you Seward's recent speech here as being a sort of key note to his present & future position.
I find that the N. Y. Republicans who were in love with Douglas, are rather more inclined to take a different view now. They find much to admire & praise in your conduct of the campaign & be assured that you have made hosts of warm friends at the East. God grant you come out ahead on Tuesday
Respy Yours
C. P. Dewey.
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
Ansd
C. P. Dewey
From Henry P. H. Bromwell to Abraham Lincoln 1, November 5, 1858
Charleston Ills., Nov. 5th 1858.
Dear Sir, —
The Returns are in and we find ourselves beaten as to the main object of this strife, and though I doubt not you are overwhelmed with letters, I hope this may not be unwelcome to you, though cannot bear congratulation upon a complete success in the extraordinary canvass you have just terminated. I know it would be impossible for me to feel worse over any political defeat whatever; for beside the general interest I took in the question at issue I had come to regard you personally with feelings such as I never had towards any man except Henry Clay, and the disappointment and chagrin I feel are very bitter. Yet you have won a victory for the popular voice of Illinois has sustained Lincoln, and when we look at all the states that have voted, we see that every free state has sustained you. Douglas gets to the senate on the bare circumstance of unequal districts in the State, in spite of the popular vote.
But you come out of the fight with Laurals as the champion of those principles for which the free states contend, with the applause of the whole Republican Host.
The way seems paved for the presidential victory of 1860. Douglas can do no more than he has done if he were a candidate for the presidency. You have shown that you can carry the vote of Illinois under the most unfavorable circumstances, and as your Defeat is only due to unfortunate circumstances by which he has had an unfair advantage, I look with anxiety to the nominations of 1860 which will give you a chance upon a wider field to meet our enemies where they Cannot skulk behind gerymandered District lines
We here are Determined to stand at our guns, and will try to disabuse the public mind of the false impression that our Cause is lost or endangered by this loss of the legislature of Ills.
I assure you I feel the deepest regret at the Defeat in the Legislature and I could not help writing you this, which is the only way I can vent my feeling at present. But though it is hard to bear Remember that the Republicans of this Region glory in you yet & will not rest while anything remains to do to that they can do to uphold you.
Yours Truly
H. P. H. Bromwell
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
H. P. H. Bromwell
Ansd
From William H. Hanna and John H. Wickizer to Abraham Lincoln 1, November 5, 1858
Bloomington Ill
Novr 5, 1858
Dear Sir,
The indications are I suppose that we are beat. But I want to say to you that we feel that we have gained much, and that you have planted the seed that will germinate & ripen in to glorious fruit.
The Republicans of this County are a great deal more than satisfied with the manner & great ability with which you have conducted the Canvass.
You took the right ground in the beginning and have maintained it to the satisfaction & gratification of every reading & thinking man.
You have done more. You have made a national reputation that I would much rather have this day, than that of S A. Douglass, or any other Locofoco of them all.
I give you my hand on the next great fight and when it comes shall not fail to be with you.
Yours truly
W H Hanna
J. H. Wickizer
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
W. H. Hanna.
Ansd
From Horace White to Abraham Lincoln, November 5, 1858
Chicago Nov 5 1858
My dear friend:
I don't think it possible for you to feel more disappointed than I do, with this defeat, but your popular majority in the state will give us the privilege of naming our man on the national ticket in 1860 — either President or Vice Pres't. Then, let me say assure you, Abe Lincoln will shall be an honored name before the American people. I am going to write an article for the Atlantic Monthly to further that object.
Your friend in distress
Horace White
I believe you have risen to a national reputation & position more rapidly than any other man who ever rose at all.
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
Horace White
Ansd
From William McNeely to Abraham Lincoln 1, November 6, 1858
Collected Works, III, 343.
Petersburg Ills Nov. 6/ 58
Dear Sir
I am Administrator of the Estate of Lewis Grathoff deceased (Letters of Administration Recd on or about the 3 day of January 1857) the Tonica & Petersburg Rail-Road Co. laid in a claim of 2 Shears vs. said estate I refused to admit it, they sued & gained it in the Probate Court I took an Appeal to the Curcuit Court.
Walker of Havana was my council & Smith of Jacksonville for the Tonica & Petersburg Co. It was tried by the court by Judge Harrit no Jury Smith asked for it to be taken under advisedment & Decided at Beardstown Court which came off a few days ago in concequnce of Some Books which could not be got Here, Walker writes me on the 23 inst from Havana the case was Decided in my favor & that Smith will Probablely take an Appeale to the Supreame court & that I will see to the case as it is doubtful about his being in attendence there this winter, Know I wish you to If this appeal should be taken I wish you to attend to it for me If you cane not be there get some suitable Lawer to do it for & I will make it all right
please drop me a line So I may know you have Received this; your old friend as eaver
Wm McNeely
From David Brier to Abraham Lincoln, November 7, 1858
Bloomington Nov 7th 1858
Dear Sir
I have felt a strong impulse for some days (to which I now yield) to drop you a line. Although we are sadly in want of Consolation ourselves & with you are overwhelmed by defeat to me more trying that any since that of Mr Clay in 1844
I felt then as I do now personal regard for the leader mingled with desire for the ascendency of political truth, but with us (at least with many of our party) the present rises as much above the past as moral right above dollars & cents
The extent and arduous labor performed by you as our Captain & one whom we expected to Crown as victor makes it at least our duty to say that from all quarters & from all classes of our friends comes the verdict, that you have done all that zeal & talents could do, to open the eyes of the blind. And the gist of this letter is to say that in your Canvass you have (except in success) more than realized the most sanguine expectation of the party. You stand at this moment amongst men of sense as much higher than Douglass mentally as physacally. I find this by conversing with quiet men who, listened calmly
I say this not to flatter you — but because no other reward for this present office (but a good conscence) it may be some Consolation to know that our defeated forces are proud of their Commander as if success had crowned us. I do not expect any answer to this as you are likely overwhelmed with such epistles and we can talk it over when we meet. Our county vote will gratify you as well as us, and we must think that we Cultivated our part of the Vineyard better than some of our Neighbours did.
Your Friend
David Brier
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
David Brier
Ansd
From David Davis to Abraham Lincoln, November 7, 1858
Danville.
Novr 7, 1858.
Dear Lincoln —
The result in Illinois, has both astonished and mortified me beyond measure There is one thing certain and that is that you have nothing to blame yourself for— You have made a noble canvass — (which, if unavailing in this state) has earned you a National reputation, & made you friends every where— I doubt whether among your friends in Illinois any one feels your defeat more deeply than I do— I have regretted for the past month that I had not early in the Summer resigned my judgeship, & entered into the fight for you— Chained as I have been — in the midst of the excitement around me, I have felt like restive & uneasy — But — it is evident now that I could have done no good—
The Pharisaical old Whigs in the Central counties, who are so much more righteous than other people, I cant talk about with any patience— The lever of Judge Dickeysevery any thing—
Some of you may forgive him, & Gov Seward & Mr Greeley but I cannot— —
— It was very shameful in my opinion for Dickey, to have kept that letter from 1st Augt & then published it a week before the election—
Danville you know is an out of the way place — mail facilities very poor— We only know here the result of the Legislature— Dont know how the State Ticket is, but fear that our fate is untoward there as elsewhere—
— Mr Usher
The main object I had in writing this letter, was to besides giving a little expression to my feelings, was to let you know of the Special Term at Urbana—
There was nothing but criminal business, done at the regular Term. There will be no criminal business at the Special Term.
The Special Term begins, at Urbana on next Thursday — the 11th inst—
I did not know whether you designed to attend the Court or not, but thought you might want to — and hence concluded to give you timely notice—
In haste —
Truly your friend,
David Davis
P S — It would delight us all to see you at Urbana—
P S — There is a large docket in Urbana, & Court will hold I reckon at 3 weeks
[Endorsed on Enveloped by Lincoln:]
Ansd
From Abraham Lincoln to Horace Greeley 1, November 8, 1858
Springfield, Ills, Nov. 8. 1858
Dear Sir
This will introduce our mutual friend John G. Nicolay,
A. Lincoln
From M. M. Inman to Abraham Lincoln 1, November 9, 1858
Collected Works, III, 341.
Nov th 9, 1858 (Annan, Ills.)
Dear Sir, I write you this as one who deplores your defeat this day one week a go, as much as any native of S. C. you will find.
all though we are beaten we are not whiped for it took Douglas, his worshipers, his money, his wife and here property, the Ills, Center Rail Road, misrippresentation on every hand, fraudulent voteing in all the doutfull districts and all the whisky shops in the land to do it.
Now Money is power and it controlles all most every thing that comes up at this day and time, and I wish to make one suggestion to you, it is this I want the Republicans to go to work, and buy out enough of the Douglas men so that they will not appear in the legislator till after the Republicans have organised and then if they will not sell out and vote for you buy their seats and let them resign and go home, and before the Gov ishues his proclamation for an election to fill their vacant seats let the state be redistricted by the republicans
Now if Douglas can spend from fifty to a hundred thousand Dollar to get men elected to the Legislator to vote for him, why can not the whole Republican party rais 50 or 60 thousand Dollars to get them out which if I had I would not be a fraid to risk my life on buying out some 5 or 6 men with that amount of money, if I had it, if I could not buy them to vote for you I would have them to resine or vote against going into an election at this sesion and have them to vote for the State to be redistricted and that in a proper manor. Now if the Republicans go in to this they must do it with a harty good will to accomplish it, and keepe it intirely secret and I have no doubt, nor fears but what it can be accomplished.
we vote a bout 30 Repub — votes in this Town and if the party will go in to some such arrangement as Ive proposed I will raise $30 which is equal to one dollar per voter and if the upper part of the State will do half that well we will succeed in accomplician our desines. your truly in Republican principles boath now and forever (so mote it be)
M. M. Inman
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
M M Inman
Ansd.
From H. D. Sharpe to Abraham Lincoln 1, November 9, 1858
New York Nov 9th 1858
Dear Sir
I have watched the progress of your late political canvass, in the Prairie State, with great interest & hoped (though against hope) that the party whose leader for the time you have been, might triumph. It was too much to expect, though not too much to hope for. had you been successful in the contest I should not have written you, but as the reports indicate the contrary, I wish to thank you, as a man, & as a republican of the type of Franklin, Sherman & Jefferson, for your advocacy of the rights of man, as understood by those sages. Your opening remarks at Springfield, interested me much, being in harmony with my own views of the subject, the correctness of which, time will disclose.
As it is an attribute of Providence to help the weak & defenceless, let this encourage you and every one in future endeavors to extend the blessings of Liberty, until equal rights & [franchises?] may be enjoyed by all, in our beloved Country.
Respectfully Yours H D Sharpe
320 Broadway N. Y.
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
H. D. Sharpe
Ansd
Collected Works, III, 344).
From William A. Grimshaw to Abraham Lincoln, November 11, 1858
Nov 11,. 1858
My Dear Sir
I regret the result in Illinois but you have nothing to regret & have won laurels of which you may be proud.
Douglass is a mean fellow & will take the office of Senator against the voice of the People.
We had a hard fight in Pike Rail Road & other Irish overwhelmed us4500 & the increase all for Locos. I hope for better results in 1860. I said often Douglass stole our Thunder & Morris
Wm A. Grimshaw
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
W. A. Grimshaw
Ansd
From Henry C. Whitney to Abraham Lincoln, November 12, 1858
Urbana Nov. 12 1858.
Dear Sir
The case of Harvey vs. Campbell et als. stands for trial at this term and it is a pretty important case and Harvey feels very anxious to have you here:—
v. Campbell did not come to trial until October 1859 in the Champaign County Circuit Court. Harvey was suing for $20,000 in damages, and his argument was countered by Campbell's claim that the plaintiff owed him more in back-wages than was being sought in the declaration. Harvey finally dropped the suit in 1860.
Swett
Yours Truly
Henry C. Whitney
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
H. C. Whitney
Ansd
From Henry Asbury to Abraham Lincoln 1, November 13, 1858
one, or even one hundred defeats.” See Collected Works, III, 339.
Quincy Ills Nover 13 1858
Dr Sir.
But I sincerely thank you as one man for your noble canvass in behalf of Freedom— Shall I say Freedom! perhaps yes — perhaps no! You have assumed no position in my judgment not called for by the times and events of our age.
Either the declaration of human rights, in the Declaration of Independence is either true or our whole talk about liberty is but partial and selfish. Do not let us be persuaded by soreheads to abandon the positions you and we assumed in the late canvass until we have fought out the battle. If finally beaten then for one I go for no monopolies of the slave trade, but think it likely I shall if alive go in for getting a few niggers from Africa myself.
Yours truly Henry Asbury
P. S. I do not ask any reply as I presume you are already taxed to much— right H A
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
H. Asbury.
Ansd
From Abraham Lincoln to Norman B. Judd [Copy in the hand of Mrs. Norman B. Judd?] 1, November 15, 1858
Prelude to Greatness: Lincoln in the 1850's (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1962), 120. Abraham Lincoln certainly did not proceed from that campaign as a loser might. Less than two weeks after the 1858 election in which Democrats won a majority of the seats in the Illinois General Assembly, Lincoln was thinking ahead to 1860 and the success of Lyman Trumbull's Senatorial campaign, which depended on the election of a Republican majority in the legislature that year. The boundaries of Illinois' legislative districts had not been redrawn since 1852, and old district boundaries probably favored Democratic candidates for the legislature.
[Marginal note: Copy of Lincoln to Judd]
Springfield Nov 15 1858
My dear Sir
I have the pleasure to inform you that I am convalescent and hoping these lines may find you in the same improving state of health. Doubtless you have suspected for some time that I entertain a personal wish for a term in the US Senate; and had the suspicion taken the shape of a direct charge I think I could not have truthfully denied it But let the past as nothing be.
For the future my view is that the fight must go on. The returns here are not yet completed, but it is believed that Doughertys
In that day I shall fight in the ranks, but I shall be in no ones way for any of the places. I am especially for Trumbulls
Yours as ever
A Lincoln
From Norman B. Judd to Abraham Lincoln, November 15, 1858
Chicago 15 Nov 1858
Dear Sir — I have been hoping and expecting to have a word from you but nothing Comes— If you feel as blue as I have since election I do not blame you— The future looks gloomy to me— I assume that having the power they will so district the State that we will be sold permanently —already already maturing by legislation to take the control the city government — and they can do it and all we can do is Micawber like to wait for something to turn up— You have at once made a national reputation that cannot be taken away from you
I am in a worse situation than any one else— I ran the State Committee upon the most economical plan and it has unpaid bill to the amount of about $2500.— I have written to Hatch
Yr friend
N B Judd
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
Answered
N. B. Judd
Nov 15/58
From M. A. King to Abraham Lincoln, November 15, 1858
Ohio, State and Union Law College.
Cleveland, Nov. 15, 1858.
Dear Sir,
About one year since a Law Institution with full collegiate honors, was established in this city We have students from many different states as you will see from catalogue sent by this mail to your address. We have the Reports and Statutes of several states but for the advantage of all our students we are exceedingly anxious to increase our library, and to accomplish this object the Faculty of the college propose a course of Legal Lectures to the citizens, but to popularize the enterprise it is thought best by all connected with the college to invite four or five who are universally known to lecture at intervals through the Winter and Spring, upon such subject and at such time as they may choose. We are not in a situation to offer a large compensation, and for this reason have felt some delicacy in addressing you, but the importance of the enterprise and our anxiety to extend the sphere of our usefulness have overcome our scruples. Will you be so kind as to write whether you could consent to aid us in the way proposed, and if so, for what sum you would address our students and the citizens of Cleveland generally
Very Respectfully
Your obt Servt.
M. A. King
Sec Board of Trustees.
From Anson S. Miller to Abraham Lincoln 1, November 15, 1858
Collected Works, III, 340. How Lincoln was held blameless for his defeat is a theme in this and other letters.
Rockford Nov 15th 1858.
My Dear Friend.
I wish as a Republican of Illinois to tender you my hearty thanks for the devotion and power with which you have defended and vindicated our principles in your late memorable canvass.
Illinois has been the battle-ground of the Union and had the State been districted under the last census — so as to give every part of the State a just representation — the success of the Republicans would have been overwhelming and complete. Had the people voted directly for you instead of for Members of the Legislature you would be our U. S. Senator to-day by a handsome majority.—your door. You have borne our Standard loftily throughout, and all the return we can make you at present is the expression of our gratitude and admiration.— But there is a future in which I trust the fullest justice will be done you.
Accept of my highest regards and best wishes and believe me as ever — Very Sincerely Yours
Anson S. Miller.
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
A L. Miller
Ansd
From George W. Rives to Abraham Lincoln 1, November 15, 1858
Paris Edgar County, Illinois
Nov. 15, 1858.
Sir — Since the battle is over and the Smoke of the same is now blown off, I thought — I would say one word of consolation & comfort to you— Be of Good cheer.” — we must & shall prevail In this County we did our whole duty — it is now useless to enquire how came about our defeat in, Sangamon, Morgan, &, Madison — it is over and done & there is now time now to enquire— But let us as one man, be up and at them in 1860—. Douglas must fall either in the N. or S. he cannot Sustain himself with both.— No man can possibly feel worse over our Defeat than I do. I will however make two honorable exceptions in my town & that is Mr. Munsell & Jno. Hartley— I think it hurts them worse than me — we are beaten but not conquered— We of Edgar feel more determined that ever. we are not discouraged or disheartened— I do think that the repubs. of Edgar are of the best grit that men were ever made of— You can now set us down as one of the Certain Ones. we can & will always elect our man. I saw Mr Mosely our Rept. yesterday — he feels as bad as we do— Let me on behalf of the Repubs. of Edgar County Return you their thanks for the faithfull and honest discharge of your whole duty in the Campaign, and be assured that we Stand ready to aid you in 1860
We are for You first, &, last— We disire to be now recognized as one of the Certain Counties— —. I hope to see you this winter as I shall be at Springfield at the Legislature and we can then talk it all over.— No man never had such friends in Edgar as you have—! Can we do you any Good Command us & we will obey — we await your Command
G W. Rives
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
G. W. Rives
Ansd
From Abraham Lincoln to Norman B. Judd [Copy in John Hay's hand] 1, November 16, 1858
q. v.). Lincoln chooses to address primarily Judd's concerns about the financial affairs of the Illinois Republican State Central Committee, of which Judd had been chairman, and only minimally to concern himself with Judd's pessimism about the Republican future.
[Marginal note:
A true copy
John Hay]
Springfield Nov. 16. 1858
Dear Sir
Yours of the 15th. is just received. I wrote you the same day.on upon one no better off in world's goods than I; but as I had the post of honor, it is not for me to be over-nice.
You are feeling badly— “And this too shall pass away.” Never fear.
Yours as Ever
A. Lincoln
From Norman B. Judd to Abraham Lincoln, November 20, 1858
Chicago 20 Nov 58
Dear Lincoln
Your two favors are at hand—unfriendly” and partizan legislation may color my views— I do not like to be dependent upon the expectation another mans mistaken action as the basis of my future success
I have no doubt of the intentions of Jeff. Davis, Slidell, Bright and Fitch of driving himcommittals before our Legislature meets— Whether they will succeed in this [illegible] that they have is a little uncertain
I am ready at the next session to convene carry out the organization that has been commenced and work till we do succeed. I have some sand in my gizzard yet.
Bunn, Williams and Irwin ought each to give $100. to the State Com. — fund and they will do it if you tell them they ought
Yr friend
N B Judd
From Benjamin C. Lundy to Abraham Lincoln 1, November 22, 1858
Tribune in Putnam County, Illinois. For Lincoln's response, see Collected Works, III, 342.
Magnolia Putnam Co Ills Nov 22d 1858
Dear Sir. By the enclosed slipSeward and Lincoln as our choice for Presidential & Vice Presidential candidates in '60. It may not be the best policy for the more influential papers, such as are looked upon as peculiar party or individual organs, to take a position in favor of this or that candidate as yet; but with County papers such action will tend to fix the masses of the people — while politicians pay but little attention to those papers of limited circulation. I have no pecuniary connection with the Hennepin Tribune, but at the Commencement of the late campaign associated my self with Mr Duncan, at the request of himself and many Republican friends, and have since written most of the Editorials, sending them by mail to the office of publication. If circumstances are favorable, I wish to establish a paper here (Magnolia) by the opening of the campaign of '60; the editorial department of which I can conduct without much damage to my professional business, and to much better advantage than by being connected with a paper fifteen miles distant. In that Campaign it is my confident hope and expectation that Abraham Lincoln will again bare the Republican Standard, either as candidate for President, Vice President, or Governor of the State. For either of those positions his many friends would enthusiastically rally to his support.
With respect
Yours truly
B. C. Lundy.
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
B. C Lundy
Ansd
From Eleazer A. Paine to Abraham Lincoln 1, November 25, 1858
Collected Works, III, 340. Lincoln also wrote to Anson G. Henry in response to this matter. See Collected Works, III, 339-40.
Monmouth Warren Co Ill
Nov. 25 1858
My Dear Sir,
Yours of the 19” inst. enclosing letter of A G. Henry Esq &c was duly received I will attend to the business at once. Will also write to Mr. Henry.
We learn that Maj. Harris
There is a rumor that old Buck
All well &c
Yours, E. A. Paine
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
E. A. Paine.
Ansd
From Abraham Lincoln to Joel A. Matteson 1, November 25, 1858
Springfield, Nov. 25. 1858
Dear Sir
Last summer when a movement was made in court, against your Road, you engaged us to be on your side—
Yours truly
A. Lincoln
From James T. Thornton to Abraham Lincoln, November 29, 1858
Magnolia Nov 29th 1858
Dear Sir
I hav a Friend, a yong man in this place in whose behalf I wish to say a few words and solicit your advice;
Mr John H Widmer is a yong man with whom I hav been acquainted for severel years. I believe him to be a man of rair talents, and is desirous of pursuing the studdy of Law. I could think of no one that would more willingly render assistance to such an one than your self, therefore I trouble you with this letter;
I will first giv you as fair a discription of the yong man & his habits as I can, that you may be the better able to make some suggestion
Mr Widmer is about tweny two years of age, of unusual regular habits Phisical Construction rather delicate yet allways enjoys good health I cannot speek in two flatering terms of his industry; he is a yong man that has been thrown on his own resources when a Boy with verry limited means, yet has acquired a verry perfect english education, excells in mathematics is at present our County Surveyor he is reading Blackstone this winter and teaching school at the same time wishes to devote his whole time to the studdy, commencing in the Spring would like a place in Springfield with a suitable instructor. if you have any thing to suggest, pleas [writ?] on the receipt of this.
Collected Works, III, 344.
Yours verry respectfully
James. T. Thornton
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
J. T. Thornton.
From William S. Frinke to Abraham Lincoln, November 30, 1858
Taylorville Nov 30/ 58
Dear Sir
I have not yet heard of the issue, of a writ of election, to fill the vacancy occasioned by Maj. Harris'
Would it not be well to defer the election for the full term, untill Nov/ 59 — at our regular election. Parties are so situated in the present house, that a member for the present term, (if we could elect one) would not avail us any thing. In the next Congress, we should be differently situated — yet not so well off, but that another member, to the Republican forces, would be verry acceptable. By waiting untill next fall the furor, of the late conflict will have subsided, — and we have more time to set our stakes; at most we could but be beaten; and we might possibly succeed, especially should the Douglas-democracy, in Congress, this winter, have to [form?] the [illegible], in an effort to frame a Slavery Code for the Territories Should the writ not have been already issued, would it not be well to see the Governor, upon this subject.
Yours Truly
W. S. Frinke
Abraham Lincoln, Notes on Illinois Election Laws 1, [October 1858]
1 One must agree with the editors of the Collected Works that these notes were assembled to assist the editors of the Republican Illinois State Journal. The day before the election, November 1, 1858, that paper published an editorial in which these references of Lincoln's to Norman H. Purple's Statutes were quoted. See Collected Works, III, 326n.
Concern about non-resident Democratic voters was strong among Republicans in the 1858 election, and finding the means to deal with them was critical.
It is made a question whether, under our laws, a person offering to vote, and being challenged, and having taken the oath prescribed by the act of 1849, is then absolutely entitled to vote, or whether his oath may be disproven, and his vote thereon lawfully rejected—
In Purple's Statutes, Vol. 1. all our existing election laws are brought together commencing on page 514 and extending to page 532— They consist of acts and parts of acts passed at different times—
The true way of reading so much of the law as applies to the above question, is to first read (64) Sec. X—, including the form of the oath, on page 528— Then turn back and read (19) Sec. XIX on page 518—
If it be said that the Section last mentioned is not now in force, turn forward to (75) Sec. XXI, on page 530, where it is expressly declared to be in force—
The result is that when a person has taken the oath, his oath may still be proved to be false, and his vote thereupon rejected— It may be proved to be false by cross examinining the proper voter himself, or by any other person, or competent evidence testimony, known to the general law of Evidence
On page 532 is an extract of a Supreme Court decision on the very Sec. 19 — on page 518, in which, among other things, the Court says:
“If such person takes the oath prescribed by law, the Judges must receive his vote, unless the oath be proved false. Something of a definition of residence is also therein given
From William M. Fishback to C. M. Smith 1, December 1, 1858
Ft Smith Ark. Dec 1st 1858
Dear Sir:
You see I have been quite a traveller since I last wrote you— After two weeks trip I reached this place last night. I would greatly prefer living in your city if I were not afraid of my cough. Nor do I see how I am to sustain myself at law here. The place however is growing rapidly “They say”. It cost me nearly all the mony I brought with me to get here so that I shall need what I spent in my travels in Ill. last Spring. I hope Mr Lincoln will be able to make his collections soon. You will please forward it as soon as he pays it over—
Collected Works, III, 346.
Remember me to him and to my friends in the store and believe me your
Obliged & obedt servt
W. M. Fishback
From Charles D. Carr to Abraham Lincoln, December 2, 1858
Lex Ky Dec 2 1858
Dr Sir
At the request of Aunt Maria Bullock who beg me to say she regrets troubling you so much I would call your attention to a former letter addressed you on her behalf
She has concluded to avoid the trouble of loaning out her money as much as possible and invest her means in Northern Bank stock if she can procure it on good terms. To that end she wishes you [you] to remit all the money you collect for her to Ky by Eastern Draft or if Exchange is not too dear or by draft on St Lo any St Louis Bank — say the Exchange Bank or Bank of Missouri
There is little news of general interest in our Community. The Democracy have the Election by a large majority and I presume you and I agree in our estimate of that party — its aims & ends
Aunt Maria's health is only tolerably good— She will take medicine—
Our relations are all well in Kentucky Aunt desires me to thank you in her name for your past kindness to her and to be remembered kindly to Cousin Mary & all our relations in which I join her.
Yours truly
C D Carr
From James Churchman to Abraham Lincoln, December 2, 1858
Nevada Decr 2nd/ '58
Dear Sir
God speed you in your race for U. S. Senatorship. I have from the first watched the events in the contest with intense interest, and daily & nightly prayers for success of this cause— We Reps are in the minority here for the snorting rampant Bowie Knife poker playing chivalry, rule California—
I send enclosed a few of the seed of our Big Trees (Washingtonia gigantia) These seed came from a tree 28 feet diameter and standing 296 feet high— I think they will grow in your State in light soil. They are of rapid growth. If your soil and climate will suit them they will grow 8 to 10 feet from the seed the first year. Plant them on the day that you are elected Senator as I hope and trust you will be
Yours Truly
James Churchman
From Alfred and Jonathan Haines to Abraham Lincoln 1, December 4, 1858
Pekin Dec. 4th 1858
Dear Sir
We have just learned that Watson
Can you not order an execution Soon? it seems as tho they have had time sufficient to carry up if they intend to do so—
We sent an order to B F Fox to pay over to you as fast as he collects, or hand over the notes to you, so you can make some Satisfactory terms, if possible—
I saw P. H. Watson in Sept or August, and he says he has no disposition to delay the suit— Prettyman says the answer covers about 40 pages, so you may calculate there will be some work on their part (and perhaps on ours too) to investigate all
Watson thot that it could come off this winter if the court will be ready to hear it—
Write us soon, and Say whether to send you the coppy, also what disposition you will make of the Ruggs case &c
Yours Truly
A & J Haines
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
A & J Haines
Ansd
From John C. Underwood to Lyman Trumbull 1, December 6, 1858
New York, December 6th, 1858
Dear Sir
I deem the election of Mr Lincoln in the Springfield district on the 4th ult so important, that I want to do something to aid it— Would not the immediate circulation of Col Bentons last great work Review of the Dred Scott decision of the Sup Court be a good thing If so I think the Republicans of this City would enter into it with Spirit
You will excuse me for troubling you, but I have seen such great results from a little work in Western Va, the last two years that I wish to do more— As one of the outgrowths of our Homestead Company's operations, we have seen a daily & triweekly paper (The Wheeling Intelligencer) & the following weeklies, the Ceredo Crescent, The Weekly Intelligencer, The Wellsburg Herald & Brooke Co Farmer, advocating Republican principles in Western Va— If there is any thing for me to do in securing the Springfield District I would like to Record it & to work in securing books or funds with the greatest pleasure
Yours Truly
John C. Underwood
From Lyman Trumbull to Abraham Lincoln 1, December 7, 1858
Collected Works, III, 344-45.
Washington, Dec. 7 – 1858.
My Dear Sir,
I have just recd the enclosed letter from John C. Underwood
I trust our people will run some one & give him the best vote possible, & I am not sure that at a special election, we might not succeed if the proper efforts were made— I have no doubt the same vote given Matheny
The proceedings in the Va. convention are a severe rebuke upon Douglas— The feeling of the Administration against Douglas is as bitter as ever, but what to do, I think they do not themselves know— The message draws the line against Douglas pretty distinctly—
Yours truly
Lyman Trumbull
From Henry C. Whitney to Abraham Lincoln 1, December 8, 1858
Chicago 8th. Decr, 1858.
Dear Sir
I arrived from Champaign only on last evening & found your letter of 30th. Nov.Whitney
Press and Tribune. He had asked Charles H. Ray for the documents earlier, but had received no reply. See Collected Works, III, 343.
Will you be at home then? —
From Blatchford, Seward, and Griswold to Abraham Lincoln 1, December 9, 1858
New York Decr 9 — 1858
Dear Sir —
On 23d April last we sent your note in favor of Miller & Holbrook against T J V Owen & Bro of Springfield for $119.28 On 2d May last you wrote us acknowledging receipt of note & saying it should be attended to— Since then we have heard nothing from you on the note— Pray what has become of it— See our letter of 23d April & advise us—
Very truly
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
Tom Owens
Office.
From H. Doolittle to Abraham Lincoln 1, December 11, 1858
Chicago Dec 11. 58
D Sir
I have hunted the City since I saw you for the times having the joint discussion of yourself & Mr. Douglas I have found where they are & as soon as the person returns who has them & now out of Town I think I shall be able to get them for you
Yours Respectfully
H Doolittle
I shall know about them in three or four days
From Sanford B. Perry to Abraham Lincoln and William Herndon, December 13, 1858
Chicago 13th Dec. 1858
Gentlemen,
I send you herewith a note upon which I desire you to get judgment as speedily as possible in the U. S. Ct. The Plaintiff is Holmes Ammidown of Massachusetts, the Deft. Willard Keyes of Quincy. I want the Guarantor only sued.
The payees of the note — do business as a firm in Wisconsin, one partner living there, three in Mass. & one in Maine—
Please let me know as soon as you get [judment], and also about how long it will take to get [judment], if no defense is filed.
There is no defense to the note as I am instructed.
The Plf. is perfectly responsible—
Yours Truly
Sanford B. Perry
Damages $10,000,.00
From Thomas C. W. Sale to Abraham Lincoln, December 14, 1858
Paris Ills. Dec. 14, 1858.
Dear Sir —
In the case of John Crabtree plantiff in Error, vs William Kile and David Nichols defendants in Error — now in the Supreme Court from Coles Circuit Court; [m]y Clients Kile and Nichols wish to have the benefit of your services.
The writ is returnable on the 4th of January I believe. Will you be so kind as to take charge of the case? It was tried below by Mr Usher,
Dr. Kile of this place, whom I suppose you know will be in Springfield about the 1st of January — and see you in person. I will add — if you undertake your fee is certain to be paid.
Please let me hear from you by return mail.
Very truly yours &c.
Tho. C. W. Sale
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
T. C. W. Sale
Ansd
From Richard Yates to Abraham Lincoln, December 15, 1858
Jacksonville Dec 15: 1858
Dear Lincoln
I have already sent Mr Conkling a paper signed by me which he sent Mr Capet over my signature. Please say to Conkling
Lincoln, tell Dr W. Jaynerecipe for beating them. It is better than Conklin's. There must ought to be no writing or printing in the whole as thing.
In haste
Your friend
Richd Yates
From Albert J. Brooks to Abraham Lincoln, December 16, 1858
Private
Petersburg Ills
Dec 16 — 1858
Dr Sir
There is a move on foot at the head of which seems to be J. C. Conkling to “Spring” a man for Congress in every part of this district on the very eve of Election a Candidate for Congress — to which movement I would like to suggest that if they start the name of Wm H Herndon
I wish to ask a favor of you— Maj Harris
I would add something in regard to your defeat but I suppose you feel bad enough about it already
Truly yours
Albert J. Brooks
From Hopkins Hayes Palmer & Co. to Abraham Lincoln and William Herndon, December 16, 1858
14 Cortland Street
New York Dec 16, 1858
Gentlemen
Your favor of the 10th inst
Respectfully Yours
Hopkins Hayes Palmer & C
for assignees
From B. F. Ayer to Abraham Lincoln 1, December 17, 1858
Chicago Dec. 17, 1858
Dear Sir,
On the 23d of Sept. last I addressed to you a letter of inquiry as to whether the judgment rendered in the U. S. Cir. Court on the 6th of July last, for $1311.43, in favor of Keith & Thornton vs. R. W. Burt of Atlanta had been paid.
I have not received any reply to my note of Sept. 23d, above referred to, and would be greatly obliged if you would now give me the information desired.
Very Truly Yours
B. F. Ayer
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
B. F. Ayer
U. S. Court
Office
From Lyman Trumbull to Abraham Lincoln, December 19, 1858
Washington, Dec. 19/ 58.
My Dear Sir,
I do hope our friends will run a candidate in the 6th Dist.
The Buchananites here from Ill. are in great spirits since the deposition of Douglas as chairman of territorial Com.
If it were possible still to beat him for the Senate, I think it would be the last of him. Have no fears of his being able through sympathy or otherwise to build up a party of his own which will amount to anything. My expectation is that he will manage to adhere to the Democratic organization & that he will be deserted by Broderick, Forney & such like anti Lecomptonites.
Truly Yours
Lyman Trumbull
From Josiah M. Lucas to Abraham Lincoln, December 21, 1858
Washington Dec 21/ 58.
Friend Lincoln
That you may see what some of the N. Hampshire Locos think of you, I use Smiths frank in sending you a copy of a very patriotic effusion! By the way I might send you something of the kind almost daily in which you are the principle hero,— I am a close observer of the leading papers of the country, most of which I have access to, and in many of whom you are held up as the leading spirit of the great west;— Such sentiments I find not only in the press, but also amongst the Politicians of all classes and shades of party. Many of whom talk to me as freely as an Illinoian, not knowing, or caring, I presume, with whom I sympathise.
I heard yesterday a prominent Democrat assert as a fact, that “the Administration had it within their power to defeat Douglas, and but the only question with them was, would it not place give him more prominence to defeat him, than to suffer his election by a non exercise of their power”. I told him I doubted it— He replied “that he was positive as to the fact.” My informant was Kingman, the most reliable correspondent of the press in Washington, and with whom you are acquainted. I am well aware that at a dinner party which took place a few days since at Slyd Slidellsmum.
There is a batch of “Nationals” here from Illinois headed by Cook.if they would interest you. I am not in Government employ — shall remain here this winter, and in the Spring expect to return home I have a few claims I am prosecuting out of which I hope to pay expenses. Should any of your friends have any business before the Departments tell them I am their man.
I could furnish the “Journal” with an occasional letter, or a synopsis of congressional and other proceedings provided they would embrace my trash as their
Yours truly
J M Lucas
From William H. Randolph to Abraham Lincoln, December 23, 1858
Macomb Decr 23d AD 1858
Dear Sir
I recd your letter
I have no acquaintance with her, know her husband as thorough going Douglass worshipper—
In regard to the result in this county everybody appear surprised I am badly beaten I made no calculation of an increase of our vote 1000. I expected a fair divide of the increase be it more or less in this I were mistaken. There were many Irish
I hope for better luck next time I think more & more of our principals. They are surely right and will prevail
Resp Yours
Wm H. Randolph Sr
From S. W. and E. W. True to Abraham Lincoln, December 24, 1858
Dec 24 1858
Mattoon, Ill
We are suit with Bank of state of Indiana in united States court at Springfield wanting you to defend—
E W & S W True
From Charles D. Carr to Abraham Lincoln 1, December 25, 1858
Collected Works, III, 348.
Lex Ky Dec 25 1858
Dr Sir
Mrs Bullocks
Please address your reply to her
Yours Respectly
C. D. Carr
From Sanford B. Perry to Abraham Lincoln and William Herndon 1, December 27, 1858
Chicago 27 Dec./ 58
Gents,
As you may perhaps have occasion to know the names and residence of the firm of Kersey, Staples & Co. I will give them to you—
Samuel F. Kersey,
Isaac Staples,
Dudley C. Hall
George A. Whitney
J. Brooks Fenno
Yours Truly
Sanford B Perry
From Asa J. Harrison to Abraham Lincoln and William Herndon, December 28, 1858
Clinton, Illinois 28th Decr. 1858
Dear Sirs,
On Dec 21st I sent you by Express a pkg containing $25 — in currency & the particulars of my transaction in Hogs with Wm Greer & giving you the names of witnesses & the necessary bond for security of payment of Costs, (which your Mr. H. informed me was necessary before suit could be entered) and requesting you to forward to C. H. Moore Esq.th them served in time for the setting of the Court next week, and further requesting that you would have the Marshall appoint Decatur Poole as his deputy, here, for serving summons
Up to today no reply has been received either by Mr. Moore or myself, and as the time is now getting short, I fear lest the pkge may have miscarried, or that under pressure of other matters, it has escaped your attention. You will greatly oblige me by sending forthwith, the summonses and [supanas?] for witnesses, otherwise they cannot be served in time. I would have telegraphed you to day, but the line is out of order.
Yours Respectfully
A. J. Harrison
Asa J. Harrison
vs
Wm Greer
Witnesses
John Warner, Clinton
Aaron Nagely
U. L. Hall —
— Wilson of Wilson & Shores
Chicago
From John Reynolds to Abraham Lincoln 1, December 28, 1858
Belleville 28th Dec. 1858
Dear Sir
I recd your kind letterVox populi est vox Dei, is our motto—
I believe a vollume of your speeches and your opponents' would sell at least enough to pay for a cheap publication— I think 100 copies might be sold in the counties of Madison, St. Clair and Monroe—
I think I published more of my speeches; but I cannot lay my hands on them at this time, and as the people did not be influenced by them to the amount I wished, I in return cared not much myself for them.
Never did a man suffer for a defeat, so much as the Renegade did: but his neck is broken, and now he is the monument of forsaken confidence—
your friend
John Reynolds
P. S. I would much rather be defeated on principle and honesty; than succeed by fraud and corruption; as the traitor has done— My humble sun shall go down without a spot on it, where his will be branded with dark dirty filth and corruption—
From Ozias C. Skinner to Abraham Lincoln 1, December 28, 1858
Quincy 28 Dec 1858
Dear Sir:
In reply to your note of 24 inst,pro & con and I never troubled myself about what they said. In fact I have presumed nothing of the sort. Your “scrap book” will be matter of interest and utility and I hope it may be successful.
Yours Truly & c
O. C. Skinner
From Sidney Breese to Abraham Lincoln 1, December 29, 1858
Carlyle Dec. 29, 1858
Dr Sir
Your note of the 24th
Yrs. Truly
Sidney Breese
From William H. Carlin to Abraham Lincoln 1, December 29, 1858
Quincy Illinois
Dec 29th 1858
Dr Sir
Your favor of the 24th inst.
Collected Works, Supplement I, 38-39.
There are some reasons however, which render it desirable, that a record of that canvass should be kept, and if you conclude to publish your “scrap book” from any notes (which I have retained) I can and will prepare you a copy of my speech I hope to see you in Springfield in a few days
Very Respectfully
W. H. Carlin
Abraham Lincoln, Estimate of Votes for Curtin and Foster 1, [October 1860]
Curtin
1.000
700
800
600
3500
800
500
1.000
1.800
1.000
1.000
2.000
300
500
1.500
150
3.500
500
1.000
300
800
600
500
1 000
400
1 000
2.500
600—
100—
700—
300—
50—
A. 210 00
30.900
Abraham Lincoln, Illinois Popular Votes for Congressmen, State Treasurer, and Legislators 1, [November] 1858
Rep
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9 2796 15878 144 37
125,668
1256.68
122181
3.467 3110 5.179
3176
311 250.959
1.459
Legislature
Rep
Doug
Buch 4.683
251.148
Abraham Lincoln, Votes for Illinois Assemblymen 1, [November] 1858
1.
2—
3—
4—
5—
6
7
8
“
9
10
11
12
“
13
14
“
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
“
27
“
28
“
29
“
30
31
32
33
“
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43 x Campbell)
“
44
45
“
“
46
“
47
48
49
50
51
“
52
53
54
55
56
“
57
“
58
From William H. Bissell to Abraham Lincoln 1, January 2, 1857
Private.
Belleville, Illinois.
Jany. 2, 1857.
Dear Sir
On getting to Springfield I shall desire to consult you as to what I shall say in my message to the Legislature about Kansas.
May I ask you to write out, hastily as you please, your views on that subject; that I may make such use of it as I deem proper in preparing my message?
Chicago Daily Tribune, January 13, 1857.
I shall be at Springfield on monday or tuesday next.
Yours very Truly
Wm H. Bissell
From W. H. Wells to Abraham Lincoln 1, January 3, 1859
Waynesburg, Penna,
Jany. 3, 1859.
Sir— Although an entire stranger to you personally, I take the liberty of addressing this note to you, for the purpose of requesting that, if you have had the speeches delivered by you last summer & fall, published in a collected form, you will be kind enough to send them to me. If not, I would be greatly obliged if you would send me the speech delivered, I think, at Freeport, in which the Dred Scott decision & “popular sovereignty” are discussed.
I make this request for the following reasons; The editor of our county paper, which has always been supported by Republicans, has lately taken it into his head that there is “no good” in any body but “Anti-Lecompton Democrats” He has carried his devotion to these people so far that some Republicans begin to wonder whether he has not entirely deserted us— Others think that his course involves no sacrifice of principle. Even if he was a sound Republican he has no ability whatever. I have therefore undertaken to call the attention of Republicans to the course of this gentleman, — very many of whom are much dissatisfied with him — with the hope of being able to displace him. I have learned that his paper will appear to-morrow with a long reply to my letter, in which he attempts to justify his support of Douglas & other anti-Lecompton Democrats, in opposition to Republicans. This is just exactly what I want. I was afraid the bait would not take. I shall hold him to this point, and, if possible, compel him to make way for a better man. To do this I must have documents, & I know of none that would be more useful than your speeches.
Mr Bartleson attributes the authorship of my letter to my father, who devoted more time & money to the Whig party in its day, & to the Republican party in its day, than any man in our county— He had better be careful in that, for the people of this county know just what my father has done for his party—
As I am a young man, & only a “jour printer,” with little or no ability, my articles, at first, may have no weight— But the truth must prevail in the end—
I enclose my first letter— It is the first article I ever wrote for a newspaper—
Collected Works, III, 349.
Respectfully
W. H. Wells
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
W. H. Wells.
Pa.
From Lyman Trumbull to Abraham Lincoln, January 4, 1859
Senate Chamber
Jany. 4 – 1859.
My Dear Sir,
I saw Judge McLean
Lyman Trumbull
From Peter Ambos to Abraham Lincoln 1, January 5, 1859
Columbus, O., Jany 5 1859
Dear Sir
You will confer a favor by advising us as to the progress of our suit against Mr. James Barret and what prospect there is of a speedy collection. We should be pleased to know how soon we may expect to realize something both from him and the judgement transfered to us as a part of the security
a reply will much oblige
Yours Truly
P. Ambos, Jr
W.S.
From Henry S. Fitch to Abraham Lincoln 1, January 7, 1859
Chicago Jan 7th
Dear Sir
Absence from the city prevented me from answering your letterpersonal You can use your own judgement and select whichever you deem the best. Should you not use the Chicago one, please return it.
Henry S. Fitch
From Alonzo J. Grover to Abraham Lincoln 1, January 9 [1860]
Collected Works,III, 514.
Earlville LaSale Co Ills
Jan. 9th 1859.
Dr Sir — It has been publicly stated in this place that you endorse the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850, as constitutional in its object, & in its provisions in All Respects— You would would confer a favour upon the writer of this as well as upon many Republicans hereabouts by briefly giving your views upon the matter—
Yours Very Truly
A. J. Grover
Mem. of Rep. County
Com. of La Salle Co.
From J. B. Jones to Abraham Lincoln, January 10, 1859
Jonesboro Jan 10/ 59
Dear Sir
I have a Son an an only Son in jail at Springfield & He Requests me not to Come to his Trial as he dont want me to See him in Prison. I have Employed some 2 or three Lawyers but I hear you are a Host at the Bar. I would Like for you to defend my Son if you will Clear him I will give you 500 dollars do all you Can and if you cannot Clear him I will Pay you for your Trouble if you need any help employ it & I will pay you a Reasonable fee if you doubt my ability Call on Mr Cover/ Corgan or McKinney Witnesses in the case
Pleas let me hear from you
take hold of the cus immediately
J. B. Jones
P. M. J. C.
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
J.B. Jones—
Boy in jail—
From S. Littler to Abraham Lincoln 1, January 11, 1859
Urbana Jan 11 1859
My Dear old Friend
I Take pleasure to Inform you that your old friend Shew has faild to Comply with your Request to pay us for furniture which you gave him an order to Buy Twenty five Dollars worth of Furniture to Commence House Keeping
we have Not See him, for Some Time But I dont Think Hhe will pay it I hope you will Send us the Money as we are Not Trusting No furniture — out and we Exsected it would Be paid at the Time as you was an old friend Republican of ours
this is a True Coppy
witness
C.M. Sherfy
I am yours very Respectfully
S. Littler
From Sanford B. Perry to Abraham Lincoln and William Herndon, January 11, 1859
Chicago 11 Jany 1859
Gents.
My clients write to me indicating some impatience in not hearing of the progress of the suit, Ammidown v Keyes.
Will you oblige me by informing me how the case stands, whether you have yet got judgt. and if not, your earliest prospect.
Yours Truly
Sanford B. Perry
From A. F. Benjamin to Abraham Lincoln, January 12, 1859
Du Quoin Ills., Jan. 12th; 1859
Dear Sir —
I hope I offer no offence in thus addressing you, being an almost entire stranger, but believing the cause of truth and of justice so abide with us both, that the offence, if any will be pardoned.
I will send you one of my papers on Thursday morning, as my publication day is on Wednesday.
I should like to hear from you by way of a communication which I can publish. Attach any signature you may desire. Send something political.
Yours truly, for the
Cause.
A. F. Benjamin
Editor.
From William L. Saltonstall to Abraham Lincoln and William Herndon 1, January 17, 1859
Collected Works, Supplement I, 39.
Cambridge Saline Co. Mo.
Jany 17th 1859—
Sirs
In the case of Saltonstall vs Eades the equity of redemption for judgment creditors will run out on the 12th of next month.
I have directed the Marshall to pay you your fee of $50, & to place the rest of the money when paid in St Louis at the Exchange Bank subject to the order of Wm C Boon, Cashier of the Br of the Exchange Bk of Mo at Glasgow
Let me know promptly to the day what is done as to the redemption of the land & what will be necessary to do to get possession of the land if not redeemed—
Respectfully Yours
Wm L. Saltonstall
From William H. Hanna to Abraham Lincoln 1, January 26, 1859
Indianapolis
January 26, 1859.
Dear Sir,
I have been spending a few days in this city, and talking and observing the tone of things here to some extent.
I send you herewith an extract from the Indiana Journal
It reflects the public sentiment to a great extent, except that it does not sufficiently express the general feeling as to your prominent position in the republican party.
I have given your history & description many times since I have been hear. You may swear that I done you ample justice
Douglass is no body in this State.
If you should desire it, I could put you in correspondence with some of the rising & leading republicans of this State.
You know that the office seekers & ambitious can smell out the rising men at a great distance with a sure scent.
Yours truly
W H. Hanna
You can write to Coburn if you should have occasion to know about Indiana
W. H. H.
From C. P. Danforth to Abraham Lincoln 1, January 28, 1859
Nashua N. H. Jany 28th 1859
Dear Sir
The Hon Frank P Blair
Yours Very Truly
C. P. Danforth.
One of the State Central Com
From H. S. Thomas to Abraham Lincoln, January 29, 1859
Vermont Ills Jan 29th 1859
Worthy Sir
I have frequently felt as though I must set down and write you a line, but then it would recur to me that hundreds perhaps would flood their feelings in onto you; Some lamenting, some rejoicing & others hoping for the future.
We had a gloomy day when you were here but I think you felt that you had an attentive audience; You made a mark; you done it just right, it was what we wanted. In 1856 our vote was 114, now it was 225, and leaves us United.
Your undertaking was a laborious one and you necessarily had to work hard, but you have made a living Strong party. I consider that your Campaign permanently established the Republican party. I see that Gov Seward espoused your Ideas in various ways So has Greely adopted your thoughts and others your words. But they Slayed us in voting, and we must abide the result. I was astonished at Sangamon, Madison Jersey & Tazewell. Probably you were not. The Judge must feel quite valliant on his return from Cuba after Pine & comrades are confirmed in their Stations. I had hoped that we would carry the Legislature and then I would get my old post in the House. They I see have made the duties much easier by making additional help: paying off old scores. I have thought of proposing to Gov Bissell
I remain Truly
From Lyman Trumbull to Abraham Lincoln 1, January 29, 1859
Collected Works, III, 355-56.
Washington, Jany. 29, 1859.
My Dear Sir,
I have been shown the copy of an article said to have been prepared by Col. John Wentworth for publication in the Chicago Journal, the object of which evidently is, to stir up bad feeling between Republicans who were formerly Whigs, & those who were Democrats; and more especially to create prejudice against myself and the Democratic portion of the party. The article is an insidious one and well calculated to do mischief with those who do not understand facts as well as you & I do. It contains a number of statements utterly false but mixed up with others which are true and so colored as to give an entirely wrong impression to the uninformed reader. The article professes to be a justification by Charles Wilson Esqr. for having nominated you as a candidate for Senator in the Republican convention, but this is a mere pretence to get at something else. It seems that Wilson refused to publish the article, but the substance of it will probably be published in some way by its author. I hope you have seen it, if not I will furnish you a copy. It is a despicably mean thing, and just such an act as it would take a man of Wentworth's reputed character to be guilty of. I have never had much to do with Wentworth & really know personally, but little of him, but it is right that friends like you and I should not permit any person whatever his motive to stir up unfounded suspicions and bad feeling between our friends; & to prevent it effectually, it is only necessary that we see they are not imposed upon by designing mischief making persons.
It needs no assurance from me to satisfy you of the good faith with which Messrs Judd,
Douglas looks badly, & is not the big man in the Senate he was two years ago. The Fitch difficulty has I think damaged him with the Shoulder Hitters and Rounders, who constitute a large portion of his supporters—
Very truly Yours
Lyman Trumbull
From Horace White to Abraham Lincoln, February 2, 1859
Chicago, Feb'y 2 1859.
Friend Lincoln:
I have been endeavoring to settle a part of your score with Greeley, as per enclosure.
Yours Very Truly
Horace White.
From Peter Ambos to Abraham Lincoln, February 3, 1859
Columbus, O., Feby 3d 1859
Dear Sir,
We have not as yet received from you a reply to our letter of the 5 ult
As it is of the utmost consequence to this company that we should know the exact situation of this matter I trust you will give this your immediate attention and reply by return mail
Yours Respectfully
P. Ambos Treas.
J
From Richard Thorne to Abraham Lincoln 1, February 5, 1859
Ottawa Feby 5th 1859
Dear Sir
From information that I received yesterday, I have come to the conclusion that Govr Bissellfirm— the Republicans of this County have dealt very liberly with the firm of Cook & Glover — and for the Good of the party here, they ought not to insist on the appointment of Mr Glover to this office. The Whig Wing of the republican party ought to have this appointment, it is due to them, and I think if you should be satisfied the Govr. has determined to make a new appointment, then to consult with Mr Cook, and urge him to Let Me have the appointment as an old Whig, and for the Union and benefit of the party here, and particularly for Mr Cooks political interest that you could bring about my appointment. at all events I am willing to submit it to you to do as you think proper, if you will take any interest in the Case for me.
The Republicans here can be united on me for this office if necessary in order to have any effect on the Govr
Yours Truly
R. Thorne
From Mark W. Delahay to Abraham Lincoln, February 8, 1859
Leavenworth City Feby 8th 1859
Hon A Lincoln
Your acceptable favor of Feby 1st is at hand.You must come, we shall give you a reception that will be long remembered by you— there is no man now alive that will bring together as large a number of Freemen on Kansas soil as your self— You will be formally invited by a committee, and will be met at the Boat by a committee of arrangements and our military companies amid the Roar of old “Kickapoo, an old Pro Slavery trophy taken by the Boys from Kickapoo— when through you can proceed on to Council Bluff and have a good time and see the most beautiful country and the fastest City in the world, this alone is worth a visit; Let me hear from you when ever you can indicate with certainty that you will be able to be with us at the Republican mass Convention. Remember me to Gov Bissell
Collected Works, III, 355.
Very Truly Yours
M W Delahay
From D. W. Young to Abraham Lincoln, February 10, 1859
Aurora Ills Feb. 10th 59
Dear Sir — I notice by the papers that you are occasionally Lecturing before the various Literary Associations— Is such the fact? Can we procure your services for a lecture before our Young Men's Association? Say some time during the month of March Your friends here are very anxious that we the Committee should procure you
Allow me to hear from you at your earliest convenience If you can possibly come give me the date, your Theme, Price, and oblige
D. W. Young
From Blatchford, Seward, and Griswold to Abraham Lincoln, February 11, 1859
New York. Feb 11 1859
Dear Sir —
We did not answer yours of 14th Decr last
Very truly
From Alonzo Lyons to Abraham Lincoln, February 15, 1859
Tolono Ills Feb 15th 1859
Dr Sir
I enclose you draft on Fund Commissioners of the State of Ills. dated Springfield March 16/ 40 at office of the Board of Public Works with Cpn @ int from Oct 1/ 40 Issued on Draft 1324. No 4640A I want to see if you can collect the same for me I presume by this time the state will pay it principal & interest. Your early answer will much oblige
Yours Truly
A Lyons
P. S.
Please also to let me know about the costs of Judgt has decided
[Endorsed by Lincoln:]
The document above described was this day mailed back to Alonzo Lyons, Tolono, Champaign County, Illinois—
Feby. 16, 1859—
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
A Lyons—
Save as receipt
From William Randolph to Abraham Lincoln, February 15, 1859
Atlanta February 15th/ 59
Dear Sir I have just come home & hasten to answer yours of the fifth
Henry Burton is A bad man and is indited in two cacis first for an assault with intention to kill, second for murder in the Second degree
your assistance is very much desired so that there may be had A full and fair investigation, if please write and let me know and if you should pass this way please call and see me
yours Truly
From Lyman Trumbull to Abraham Lincoln, February 15, 1859
Senate Chamber
Feb. 15 — 1859.
My Dear Sir,
Mr. Crittenden
Yours truly
Lyman Trumbull
From Anson G. Henry to Abraham Lincoln 1, February 16, 1859
At Home Near Lafayette O. T.
February 16th 1859
My Dear Sir
On my arival at home after an absence of near four months, winding up our Surveying work of last Summer, I found your very acceptable letter of November last.
Collected Works, III, 339-40, and Paine to Lincoln, November 25, 1858, in this collection.
As you say, things are terribly mussed up every where politically, & morally & no human Eye can see the results that will follow, or foretell the consequences. We can only hope for the best.
It is no doubt well for the cause of human Freedom that you made the race with Douglas as you did, but I did not expect a different result under the verry peculiar Circumstances which surrounded you. The popular vote shows the overwhelming strength of your cause when it comes to be presented on a fair field, & surrounded by equally favorable Extraneous Circumstances. The sympathies of all those who were opposed to the Lecompton policy of Mr Buchanan was strongly with Mr Douglas, & they felt that his defeat would be a triumph of the adminstration. I can realize how this feeling must have helped Mr Douglas, by refferences to my own feelings and he is indebted for the his election to that feeling, rather than the merits of his doctrines. I have read your & his speeches carefully, & I cant see but that he yields in reality, all you contend for. Indeed the principles you contend for are founded on the great principles which our Saviour came into the world to Confirm and Establish, & they must & will triumph.
Your failure to obtain the Seat in the Senate, cannot be called a defeat in the ordinary acceptation of the term. On the contrary you have achieved a most glorious triumph, by establishing in the hearts of all who love to cherish the great principles upon which our free institutions are based, a pulsation that will never be satisfied with any thing short of making you their leader, when the great battle of “Gog & Magog” comes to be fought, which will not be probably before 1864, and God grant that my life may be spared to bear my part in the conflict.
You have not “sunk out of sight” as you seem to anticipate, no will you be forgotten. The people — the great & glorious People, will bear you on their memories untill the time comes for putting you in possession of their House at Washington, which they are bound to do in their own good time— God Almighty ever has, & will ever continue to prosper the right.
I have taken but little interest in the local Politics of Oregon. If we are not admitted into the Union now, we shall have to fight the slave power in good earnest. There will be a reconstruction of parties — Genl. Lane
If this is not done, the result will be at least doubtful— What little influence I possess shall be used to bring about this result. So when you hear of my having turned Democrat dont be surprised, for you may know that my course will be prompted by an honest desire to secure for Oregon a free Constitution beyond all reasonable contingencies. I will not lend my aid to build up a Republican Organization the only effect of which will be to divide the friends of a free Constitution, and thus give hope & encouragement to an unscrupulous Pro Slavery Organization, where all former party distinctions & principles are made to yield to the great Alpha & Omega” of slavery—
Whatever men may say or think about the “Equality of men, that question is settled beyond all controversy by Gods inspired Apostle (Paul) (See — Ephesians 6th Chapter & 9th verse)
From S. Littler to Abraham Lincoln 1, February 16, 1859
Urbana Feb 16 1859
My Dr friend
I her with Inclose your order which you gave your friend Henry Shew
S. Littler
From Peter Ambos to Abraham Lincoln and William Herndon 1, February 17, 1859
Columbus, O., Feby 17 1859
Dear Sirs
Your favor of 14th inst
We are very anxious to have our claim collected as soon as possible as we find it very difficult to spare so large an amount from our business and are obliged to borrow money at 10 & 12 % to keep our works in motion We trust you will be able send us another thousand Dollars as mentioned in your letter. If you can remit in Missouri or Indiana State Bank currency it will save exchange as this currency is at par here.
Yours Truly
P. Ambos Treas
pr James Secty
From Martin F. Conway to Horace White 1, February 18, 1859
Lawrence, K. T., Feb. 18th, 1859.
My dear Sir:
I did all in my power to secure the enactment of a proper law by our late Legislature against slavery in Kansas; but the Council, a body elected at a time when only the “loaves and fishes free State men” would accept a Territorial office, defeated it.
We are done, now and forever, with the demoralized and groundling “Free State” party. We have issued a Call for a Republican Convention, to meet at Osawatomie, on the 18th of May. The Call is signal by all our leading men — by those who have the confidence of the people, and who are able to put the movement through. It will sweep the Territory, from end to end.
In the success of this movement the success of the Republican cause in Kansas for the future is involved. We wish your people to take an interest in it. It has been suggested that a number of our prominent friends in the East be invited to visit us during the summer, to canvass in behalf of the cause. It has also occurred to me that the presence of some distinguished Republican at the Convention would have a most happy effect; and it is my object, in writing you at this time, to inquire whether Abraham Lincoln would not come. A speech from him, at the first organization of our party, would do us all good. He is the kind of Republican we believe in; and we wish to shape our new party after the highest standard of Jeffersonian Republicanism. Please to make the requisite enquiry on this subject, and write me at your earliest convenience.
My best regards to Mr. Medill.
Very truly Yours
M. F. Conway.
From C. P. Danforth to Abraham Lincoln 1, February 19, 1859
q. v.) and invited him to speak in New Hampshire. The following was sent in response to Lincoln's reply which has not been located.
Nashua Feby 19th/ 59
Dear Sir—
Yours in regard to visiting our State, was recd a few days since— After consultation with the State Committee it was thought inexpedient to secure your services inasmuch as Mr Douglass had concluded not to come
Yours Truly
C P Danforth
Abraham Lincoln, Veto Message Written for Governor Bissell 1, February 22, 1859
Springfield Feb 22, 1859
Gentlemen of the House of Representatives.
I herewith return to your Honorable body, in which the same originated, the bill entitled “A bill for an act to create Senatorial and Representative Districts, and apportion the representation in the General Assembly of this State”—
I object to said bill becoming a law, because it's effect, as a law, would be to continue the control of of the General Assembly in the hands of a minority of the people. This being substantially the very objection urged against the Lecompton Constitution, by the authors of this bill, in common with others, it is but fair to presume that it found its way into this bill, by mere oversight; and that it's authors will be glad of the opportunity now afforded, to expel it, and to give the bill such shape as to fairly represent the people.
I also object to said bill becoming a law, because, by it, the new county of Ford is placed wholly within the ninth Senatorial District, and also wholly within the eighteenth Senatorial District—
I also object to said bill becoming a law because, by it, in the matter of giving excesses, the provision of the tenth Section of the third article of the Constitution is disregarded. I insist that, by this bill, the spirit of the Constitution is violated in the unnecessary departures from the principle of single districts. A glaring instance is the thirty-second representative district, composed of the counties of Champaign, Piatt, De Witt, Macon, Moultrie, Shelby and Effingham, and to which three representatives are given— The map, and census tables show that these seven counties divide neatly into three separate districts, each entitled to a representative, the smallest in population being greater, and the largest much smaller, than several other single districts established by the bill.
For these and other reasons, I object to said bill becoming a law, and herewith return it to the House in which it originated.
Wm H Bissell
Springfield Feby 22d 1859
From Alonzo Lyons to Abraham Lincoln 1, February 28, 1859
Collected Works, III, 363.
Tolono Ills Feb 28/ 59
Dr Sir
Canal Script came back all safe
as court will soon adjurn do not fail to get desission in the case of costs that will be made after judgemt
Yrs &c
Alonzo Lyons
per McCulloch
From Charles L. Wilson to Abraham Lincoln, March 3, 1859
Journal Office
Chicago, Mar 3rd '59
Dear Sir: I had intended seeing you again before your return that I might have handed you the letter, which I return as per your request, made to me when at Springfield.
I desired also to show you what some of our friends planned in the late canvass and were overruled by the Chairman of the State Central Committee
That my friend Mr Seward may be set right with you, I enclose his letter furnished the committee, who proposed to bring Mr Bell to the State.
In great haste & very truly
Charles L Wilson
From Peter H. Watson to Abraham Lincoln 1, March 14, 1859
Collected Works, II, 382, 426-27, 436; III, 384-85, A. and J. Haines to Lincoln, December 4, 1858, and Jonathan Haines to Lincoln, July 26, 1858, August 15, 1858, and September 7, 1858.
Washington March 14th 1859
My Dear Sir:
Yours of the 2nd inst.
I will be ready to enter into any arrangement as to the times and places of taking testimony that may be mutually convenient and will be happy as far as possible to conform my convenience to your own.
Collected Works, III, 370-71.
But your proposition to try the case by piecemeal, is, I am advised, altogether contrary to the practice of the Court and might put the right of parties in jeopardy as a decree to be appealable must be a final decree upon all the matters involved. That proposition therefore cannot be assented to on my part. While willing to make any arrangement that will save time and trouble in taking testimony the case must in all other respects take the usual course.
Feeling perfect confidence in the defense on all points and desirous to bring it to a speedy and final hearing I would not be justifiable in departing from the ordinary mode of procedure
Yours very truly
P. H. Watson
From Mark W. Delahay to Abraham Lincoln, March 15, 1859
Alton, Ill. March 15th 1859
Hon A Lincoln
Your favor of March 4th
Collected Works, III, 371-72.
Very Truly Yours
When ever we can understand from you that we are not to ask your Presence in vain a Committee will formerly invite you and receive you on your arrival &c &c
M W D
From Joshua Allen to Abraham Lincoln [Endorsed by Lincoln] 1, March 16, 1859
Lacon, Ill. March 16, 1859
Mr Hon A Lincoln
The undersigned having sold the “Gazette” Establishment, would respectfully request you to immediately send to my address, the following amount, which I find on my Subscription Book against you:
For Gazette from Vol. 18 No. [4]9 to Vol. 20 No. 20 $3.00
Let me remind you that I have hundreds of such little bills scattered all over the [C]ountry, and am depending upon them to meet my liabilities. Therefore I hope you will attend to the matter as soon as you receive this.
Yours Respectfully,
JOSHUA ALLEN.
[Endorsed by Lincoln:]
$3.00 Sent, this 19. March 1859.
From Martin F. Conway to Abraham Lincoln, March 16, 1859
Lawrence, K. T., March 16th, 1859.
Dear Sir:
Yours of the 4th instantopinion favor is of any value, amongst us, will feel otherwise than pleased with your ass your presence at our Convention at Osawatomie. In my opinion, it will be necessary for us to draw considerably on the favor of our friends abroad for help in the approaching Canvass of our Territory. It is by no means a one-sided operation to carry our elections against the Democracy. They have got money, and are fresh; we are poor, and are mostly tired out by our four year's struggle for life. Besides the strength of the Republican cause is in the inspiration of a high moral truth; the population of Kansas is not, I am compelled to say, one which is readily open to such influence. Material prosperity is the aim; and money will carry when principle and a great cause will may perish ingloriously. The Republicans must work very hard to make victory a sure thing.
Osawatamie is one day's ride from this place, in a direction a little East of South. You It is one day's ride from Kansas City. You can come to Lawrence from Kansas City or Leavenworth (at either of which points you may leave the boats) and you may and from Lawrence go down with friends to the Convention Or you can leave the boat at Kansas City and go direct to Osawatomie, in one day's drive by land. From St. Louis, if you take the Pacific Railroad to Jefferson City, and then a boat up the River to Kansas City, you can make Osawatomie in four days.
Do not fail to Come if possible.
Collected Works, III, 379.
Truly Yours
M. F. Conway
At that season of the year a trip to Kansas is a real pleasure excursion.
From William A. Ross to Abraham Lincoln 1, March 18, 1859
Collected Works, III, 372-74. It, and this letter, represent the earliest lengthy discussion of the publication of the Lincoln-Douglas Debates of 1858.
Washington Tazewell Co Ill March 18th 1859
Hon A Lincoln
I wish to enquire of you if you have any objections to have the Debates between your self & Judge Douglass published in Book form with a view of selling them if it is Satisfactory with you and I can make the arrangement to get them up I propose to begin with the Republican platform adopted at Springfield Your speech made at that time then Douglass Chicago speech your reply to it then follow with the seven joint Discusions I propose takeing them from the Chicago Press & Tribune I believe they would Sell readily and to good profit if you think it would not injure the Cause of the Republican party I would like to make the Exprirment for I hope to succede in 1860 I will not go into the arrangement unless it is satisfactory all around if we conclude to do it would it be necessary to get the consent of Judge Douglass please consider the matter and answer
yours & c Wm. A. Ross
From Henry L. Pierce et al to Abraham Lincoln 1, March 19, 1858
Collected Works, III, 374-76.
Boston, March 19, 1859.
Dear Sir:—
You are respectfully invited to attend a Festival, at the Parker House, in this city, on Saturday Wednesday, April 26 13th (next,) at 3 P. M., in honor of the birth-day of THOMAS JEFFERSON, the father of the “ordinance of 1787,” and the apostle of State Rights.
Please favor the Committee with an early reply.
Your obedient servants,
Henry L. Pierce
J.A. Andrew
Wm. S. Robinson
W. S. Morton
Albert G Browne.
F.W. Bird—
From Johnson and Bradford to Abraham Lincoln, March 21, 1859
Springfield, Ill.
March 21 1859
Dear Sir
We have concluded to not to print the Debates you can tell the other man
accept our thanks for your Courtesy and good feelings in the matter
your Friends
Truly
Johnson & Bradford
From Norman B. Judd to Abraham Lincoln, March 24, 1859
Chicago 24, March 1859
Dear Sir — The State Com. meet at Bloomington the 7 April
I want you Duboisby will you say it to those gentlemen— You and they will readily understand how easily men consider themselves slighted hence a desire that you should consider yourselves there without special invitation.
Communicate this to those gentlemen.
Yr friend
N B Judd
From William H. Herndon to Abraham Lincoln, March 31, 1859
Springfield Ills, Mch 31st, 1859
Dear Sir:
You sent me a note on Full & Co., per [Hatch? Holt?], and payable to J. Lock & Bro—. You say sue—. In whose name shall I sue? To whom does the note belong? Lock & Bro have assigned it, but you do not say to whom it belongs— Answer; and I will put it through. Full & Co are “broke” dead flat & c
W H H
From Horace White to Abraham Lincoln, March 31, 1859
Chicago, March 31 1859.
Dear Sir:
Mr Judd
So far as the Press & Tribune people are concerned I may say that they wish me to be elected, though during the term of office I should be obliged to disconnect myself from them.
I have thus laid the case before you, and as I have no claim on you, you are at liberty without forfeiting the least of my regard, to adopt any course you choose or no course at all.
Very truly Your Friend
Horace White.
From William A. Ross to Abraham Lincoln 1, April 2, 1859
Washington, Tazewell, Co. Ills April 2d 1859
Dear Sir
I received your letter yesterday giving your Consent to the proposed publication.
Collected Works, III, 372-74.
I have never named it to any one Except to our friend D. Kyes but my idea was to have it published at Peoria by Nason a job printer but I would as soon have it done at Springfield if it can be done as cheap or nearly as cheap as you would give it some attention.
If you will get the proper person to make a calculation on the cost of the work pr, thousand the sise of the Book & No of pages I will remunirate you for your trouble
I propose having it ready for sale by the first of September
I have no objection to your title but I think it would help the sale of the work to have on the title page or on the back of the Book Douglas & Lincoln Debate Ill Canvass 1858 or Debate betweene Judge Douglas & Hon. A. Lincoln in the Ill Canvas 1858
at your Leasure please get the Calculation made and let me know
Yours with respect
Wm. A. Ross
From Gustave P. Koerner to Abraham Lincoln 1, April 4, 1859
Collected Works, III, 376-77.
Belleville, April 4/ 59
My dear Sir.
I understood from Judge Trumbull,naturalised citizens must reside in the State 2 years, before they are entitled to vote. This move is against the express provision of the Philadelphia platform, which guarantees to all citizens, without distinction of nativity equality of rights. The Pro Slavery papers from Maine to Georgia are making capital of this unjust and injudicious move, and what is (though to be expected) much more damaging, the entire Republican German press is very much exercised about it, and some leading papers have declared, that unless this step is disavowed by the Republicans in the other states, they will leave the party. Now when the Pro Slavery party is as it were at our mercy, it is too bad to loose so large, and really so honest and enthusiastic a portion of our party, as the Germans generally are. Some Republican Committees in N. York, & also the Young Men's Republican association in Cincinatti have come out against the Massachusetts move. The last St. Louis free democratic convention though faintly have done the same thing. I deem it necessary for our future success, that we should speak out on this subject. It is time that we should quit the absurd hope of gaining converts from the Knownothings by a tenderfooted course. In our State they have taken their sides. They do not pretend to exist as a party. This policy pursued by some of our friends, for instance, Gillespie
G Koerner
Even the American platform does expressly guarantee to all citisens, now enjoying that privilege, equality of rights.
From William Thomas to Abraham Lincoln and B. S. Edwards 1, April 8, 1859
Jacksonville 8 April 1859
Gent. I suppose Dubois
I have settled my accounts as Trustee and the result is not changed from the statement that I give you, I have decreased liabilities and means of payment in about equal proportions, send me the award, I want to use it at the Lawrenceville court — not to obtain any judgment agst Dubois but: to settle with others. Nabbs heirs &c
Wm Thomas
P. S. The result of your city elections gives great satisfaction.
From Thomas J. Pickett to Abraham Lincoln 1, April 13, 1859
Collected Works, III, 377.
Rock Island, April 13, 1859.
Dear Sir — At the request of several citizens of this place, I write to request that you will deliver your lecture on “Inventions” in this city at such time as may suit your convenience. We think a full house would greet you. Please write and let me know whether it will be within your power to come.
I would like to have a “talk” with you on political matters — as to the policy of announcing your name for the Presidency — while you are in our city. My partner (C. W. Waite) and myself are about addressing the Republican editors of the State on the subject of a simultaneous announcement of your name for the Presidency.
Truly yours,
T. J. Pickett
From Salmon P. Chase to Abraham Lincoln 1, April 14, 1859
Collected Works, III, 378.
Columbus, Apl. 14, 1859.
Dear Sir,
It will give me pleasure to confer the appointment you wish upon your friend Mr. Whitney.
Permit me to congratulate you on the present aspects of the Republican cause. It is one of the circumstances not detracting from the satisfaction I feel in the contemplation of them, that your gallant campaign in Illinois was not crowned with deserved success. But the People will not forget the champion who merited if circumstances did not but permit him to achieve victory.
With great respect,.
From Abraham Lincoln to Thomas J. Pickett [Copy] 1, April 16, 1859
Abraham Lincoln: A Biography (New York: Alfred A.Knopf, 1952), 195. That he kept a copy of this letter testifies to the seriousness with which Lincoln regarded this matter.
Copy of Answer.
Springfield, April 16. 1859.
My dear Sir:
Yours of the 13th just received—
As to the other matter you kindly mention, I must, in candor say, I do not think myself fit for the Presidency. I certainly am flattered, and gratified, that some partial friends think of me in that connection; but I really think it best for our cause that no concerted effort, such as you suggest, should be made—
Let this be considered confidential—
Yours very truly
A. Lincoln
From Oscar F. Harmon to Abraham Lincoln, April 17, 1859
Danville Ill
17 April 1859.
Dr Sir
I have an attachment suit pending in Sangamon Circuit. Ira Harmon vs Cyrus W Palmer, which I desire continued to August Term with an order for publication.
Will you be so kind as to get the case continued?
Very Truly Yours
O. F. Harmon
From Peter J. Hawes to Abraham Lincoln, April 19, 1859
Eminence April the 19th A D 1859
Dear Sir I herewith send you a copy of the Deed made by N. M. Broadwell to my Father which I wish you to Examine at your Leisure & if you think that we can make any thing out of it I want you to undertake it Provided The Expences will not overrun the proffits I told you something of the circumstances of the case when I was in Springfield about the first of this month but you did not then think that they were of any consequence so I will say nothing about them at this time only that Father had bought the Land from one Shields who had a Preemption on it and had got Dorset to Enter it with a Land Warrant which when it was sent to Washington proved to Defective & Dorset was notifyed of the fact but before he could attend to it Broadwell had Entered it with a warrant Dorset then Employed Staden to contest Broadwells claim at Washington but before the matter was Settled Father sent Dorsett & Bought Broadwells claim which was afterwards set aside at Washington & Broadwells Warrant Returned to him & he refuses to give it up. or pay for it now if after Looking into the matter you are of opinion that we can make any thing out of him Please write & let me know your opinion about the matter and what you are willing to undertake for & whether there is any thing else it will be Necessary for you to know & if you think it best not to undertake I will pay you for ascertaining
[Enclosure:]
Know all men by these presants that I Norman M Broadwell of the City of Springfield Illinois in Consideration of four hundred & thirteen dollars to me in hand paid the receipt whereof I do hereby acknowledge have bargained sold & Quit Claimed & by these presants do bargain sell and Quit Claim unto John Hawes and to his heirs and assignes forever all my Right title interest Estate Claim & demand both in Law and in Equity as well in possession as in Expectancy of in and to all that certain piece of Land described as follows to wit.. The South East Quarter of Section four in Township No Twenty one North of Range three west of the third P.. M. in Illinois to have & to hold all and Singular the above granted premices Together with the appertainences unto the Said John Hawes his heirs & assigns forever in Witness whereof I have here unto set my hand and Seal this the thirteenth day of September Eighteen hundred & fifty four
A true copy
The above deed was Duly acknowledged Before J H Matheny Clerk of Circuit Court of Sangamon County.
From Charles Ambos to Abraham Lincoln 1, April 20, 1859
Collected Works, III, 386-87.
Columbus, April 20th 1859
Dear Sir
Will you please inform us by return mail if the Judgement which was assigned to us by Mr. Jas. Barret as security on our claim has been settled and if not when we may expect to receive the proceeds of said judgement We are very much embarrassed for want of funds to meet our present obligations and are in hopes this judgement has been settled or will be very soon, that we may receive the amount which will assist us very materially.
an early reply
Will oblige
Yours Truly
Chas Ambos Supt
Ind.
From Thomas Drummond to Abraham Lincoln 1, April 21, 1859
Chicago. April 21. 1859.
Dear Sir: —
The Bill of Exceptions in the case of Haines v. RuggBut as my memory is not exact on this point that you had examined the Bill and was satisfied it set forth the evidence fairly, but as my memory is not exact on this point I would be glad to know how it is, as my wish is to require a bill of exceptions to be submitted to the opposing counsel,
Very truly yours,
Thomas Drummond.
From J. E. Tenney to Abraham Lincoln 1, April 21, 1859
State Librarian's Office,
Lansing Michigan
April 21st /59.
Hon Abraham Lincoln:
Dear Sir: Wishing to make additions, to our State Library, will you have the kindness to send us, your Daguerrotype, to be placed in our picture Gallery?
Yours truly
J.E. Tenney
State Librarian.
From Thomas Aspinall to Abraham Lincoln and William Herndon, April 26, 1859
Newport R. Island
April 26, 1859—
Gent —
I gave to Mr. E N Powell some Years ago for Collection a Note which he forwarded to you, said Note was made by Dutcher & Bacon of St. Louis and Endorsed to me by Louis Johnson & Co of your place.
L. J. & Co. paid the said Note to Mr Usher a day or two after being made for goods sold them. You no doubt will remember the note was obtained for a patent Right of the Amboy Churn and was refused payment when due and for which I do not blame them—
Thomas T Gantt of St Louis was my legal advisor, and by his instructions I sued the Makers in the St Louis Court and was defeated on the ground that said Note was fraudently obtained and the parties recd no value for it.
Will you oblige me by stating what you have, or are doing in the Case, Mr Gantt told me it could most certainly be Collected, — and there is now 10 years interest on it— Have you ever called on Mr. G. when in St Louis,— if not please do so he will state state to you the particulars of the Case which in his hands—
If you have any hope of collecting the same soon I will pay liberal charges for the same, —
Oblige me by a reply — Yrs Very Resply.
Thomas Aspinall
[Endorsed on Envelope:]
Lincoln read this
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
Thomas Aspinall.
From J. H. Reid to Abraham Lincoln, April 29, 1859
Urbana Apr 29th 1859
Sir any if he is in you Place find out if he is good for fifty five dollars
Yours Truly
J. H. Reid
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
J. H. Reid—
Ansd
From Asahel Gridley to Abraham Lincoln, May 2, 1859
Bloomington May 2/ 59
Dr Sir as soon as you can get off from Vermillion Court I want to see you at Bloomington
Gridley
From Allin & Lander to Abraham Lincoln, May 2, 1859
Bloomington May 2nd 1859—
Dear Sir
We wish to know what will probably be the expense of the suit. the chances for a Continuance to the next term as we do not wish Judgement to go against us at the June term, —& also what you will charge us for attending to the same for
We write to you at the suggestion of Mr Holmes — pleas answer immediately
Yours Respectfully
Allin & Lander—
P S have You heard of decision of the Supreme Court on my Land Suit
Jas Allin Jr
From Jefferson L. Dugger to Abraham Lincoln 1, May 4, 1859
Collected Works, III, 371-72. Lincoln ultimately declined, but wrote “I still think I will speak in your teritory before the election.” Collected Works, III, 378-79.
Leavenworth City K. T.
May 4th 1859
Dear Sir
I see by the N. Y. Tribune that Greely is to be here about the 20th or 25th of this month, and I am told by Delahay that you contemplate a visite here soon. Is it possible that you can be here when Greely comes. It is the purpose of our folks
Yours as ever
Jeff. L Dugger
From Asahel Gridley to Abraham Lincoln, May 7, 1859
Bloomington May 7 1859
Scates
A. Gridley
From Peter H. Watson to Abraham Lincoln 1, May 7, 1859
Collected Works, II, 382, 426-27, 436; III, 384-85, A. and J. Haines to Lincoln, December 4, 1858, Jonathan Haines to Lincoln, July 26, 1858, August 15, 1858, and September 7, 1858, and Watson to Lincoln, March 14, 1859. For Lincoln's response to this letter, see Collected Works, III, 380.
Washington May 7/ 59
Dear Sir:
In consequence of a severe bilious attack from which I am only just recovering I have been unable to visit the West — as early as I had anticipated and it may yet be some weeks before I leave home unless you are ready to commence taking testimony in which case I shall be out immediately.
My object in writing now is to ask when you propose to commence taking your testimony and how long a time you will probably occupy in making out your prima facie case — then how soon afterwards will you be prepared to attend at the taking of the testimony on the part of the defense. State also if you please where as well as when you propose to take your testimony.
I hope you are well and that we shall soon have this matter disposed of. I am anxious to get through with it as soon as possible. If I can get this and one or two other cases out of the way I shall visit Europe during the summer.
Yours very truly
P. H. Watson
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
P. H. Watson
Ansd
From Asahel Gridley to Abraham Lincoln, May 11, 1859
Bloomington May 11 1859
Stick to it till you are right Dont let my possesion be disturbed Stay there till all is right & Telegraph me
A Gridley
From Benjamin F. James to Abraham Lincoln, May 11, 1859
Friend Lincoln,
I wrote Hatch
Whitney
Truly ys. B F James
May 11, 1859
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
B. F. James.
Ansd
From Clifton H. Moore to Abraham Lincoln, May 11, 1859
Clinton Ills May 11, 59
Dear Sir
In closed please find your tax Rect for 40 in Tama Co Iowa 1.35 & then the dept charged me 25 total 1.60
C H Moore
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
C. H. Moore
May 11/59
Ansd
From John M. Douglass to Abraham Lincoln 1, May 13, 1859
Chicago 13 May 1859
Our witnesses cannot be ready by the twentieth (20th) the case cannot be tried then White indicates the thirty first (31) & case certainly cannot be tried before that
J. M. Douglass
From Norman B. Judd to Abraham Lincoln, May 13, 1859
Chicago 13 May 59
Dear Lincoln
Yours enclosing copy of Shawneetown letter came to hand—People are friends may think best to do in the premises — and if you use your assessment in that way, I will consent to it as a member of the Committee— Things look well enough in this region — but Wentworth
Illinois Staats Anzeiger in Springfield in late May, 1859, after Lincoln purchased that German-language newspaper.
Yr friend
N B Judd
From Isaac Arnold to Abraham Lincoln and William Herndon 1, May 16, 1859
Chicago May, 16, 1859
Gents,
Some week or ten days ago, I sent you a summs agt Gov. Matteson,
Very Truly Yours
Isaac N. Arnold
From John C. Sanborn to Abraham Lincoln 1, May 16, 1859
Lawrence Mass May 16th 1859
My Dear Sir
In accordance with a vote of the Committee of the City of Lawrence, chosen to make arrangements to celebrate the coming 4th of July — I have the honor to write you as to whether you can be obtained to deliver the oration on that day — and if so — on what terms—
Will you please inform me at the earliest moment
Yours very respectfully
John C. Sanborn
Secretary
From Kersey H. Fell to Abraham Lincoln 1, May 20, 1859
Bloomington May 20”/ 59.
Dear Sir
The Sheriff just called on me with an Execution issued on the Judgt of Browningnow, $100. the first of January and the bal. the first of next May and not have the expense and annoyance of a sale— If you agree to this I will see that it is paid as agreed and if I succeed as I now think I will in getting some money from those who are owing me I will try to pay all of it by January first— Will you be in Springfield next week? I may come down—
Very Respectfully yours,
From Daniel Clapp to Abraham Lincoln, June 8, 1859
Danville Ills June 8th 1859
Dear Sir
If there is a probability that the suit by the U. S. against me will be tried at the present term of the court you will please let me know it by letter or telegraph in time to be there at the trial.
If you think that and are pretty sure that we can beat or defeat the suit on a final trial I should like for you to bring it on this term if you can. If there is doubt of success, let it lie over as long as you please, or throw it out of court, which ever you think best
Yours Resptfy
D. Clapp
From Salmon P. Chase to Abraham Lincoln 1, June 13, 1859
Collected Works, III, 386.
Columbus, June 13, 1859.
My dear Sir,
The reliance you put in my discretion and in my disposition to avoid all extremes which may endanger the success of the Republican Party gratifies me much, and it will be my study to deserve it.
Collected Works, III, 384.
I inclose you the Resolutions recently adopted by our State Convention.
It is a curious circumstance that one of the first votes given on a first trial question by the united opposition after the passage of the Nebraska bill was on this very question. For And it illustrated strikingly the leading ideas of the two organizations; the centralizing tendency toward consolidated despotism of the self-styled democracy & the liberal bias towards Constitutional Liberty for States & Persons of the opposition. You will find the whole matter in the Congressional Globe of 1854-5 Appendix. You will see that the Administration Party were endeavoring to subjugate the People by transferring all cases in which parties claiming rights under federal law might be interested from State to Federal Tribunals, with a view especially to the more relentless enforcement of the Fugitive Slave Act, & that this attempt was met not only by firm resistance, but by a proposition for the repeal of the act itself. You will observe also that Mr. Cooper of Pennsylvania, who was a Member of the Committee of 13, by whom the Compromise measures of 1850 including the Fugitive Act were reported & who had voted for the act, now voted for its repeal. And you will observe finally that not one Northern man who now acts against the Administration voted otherwise. It was indeed our first act of union after the vote against the Nebraska bill.
It seems to me that our true ground is this: opposition to the Act of 1850 because it is unnecessarily harsh & severe and almost absolutely useless as a practical measure of reclamation. There are many who believe that it is entirely unconstitutional because Congress has no power of legislation upon the subject, or because it provides no trial by jury; while others think it unconstitutional in part because it vests judicial power in Commissioners & for other reasons. These as well as all others who have any sympathy with our General Movement agree that it is unnecessarily harsh & severe & marked by many repulsive features, while thousands who do not concur in our movement, and among nearly all the leading minds of the South, agree that it is next to worthless as a practical measure.
At the same time that we insist on the repeal of this law, we should admit the obligation of Congress, if it has the power to legislate, to provide a fair law and of the States to do the same thing if Congress has not the legislative power.
I shall be very glad to have your views. In the meantime I send you a copy of the argument of our Attorney General in the recent cases.
Your Friend Sincerely
S: P: Chase
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
Govr. Chass
From Salmon P. Chase to Abraham Lincoln [Copy in Lincoln's hand] 1, June 13, 1859
Collected Works, III, 384 and 386.
[Marginal note: Copy]
Columbus, June 13. 1859,
My dear Sir
The reliance you put in my discretion, and in my disposition to avoid all extremes which may endanger the success of the Republican Party gratifies me much, and it will be my study to deserve it. That the avoidance of extremes, however, is not at all inconsistent with the boldest & manliest avowal of our great principles and views your own example in that noble speech of yours at Springfield which opened the campaign last year in Illinois, makes evidence enough—
I inclose you the Resolutions recently adopted by our State Convention— There are more words in the latter clause of the third Resolution than I thought necessary; but a declaration in favor of the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 was indispensable: and I trust that our friends in Illinois will, if not already prepared, to take the same ground, soon be educated up to it—
It is a curious circumstance that one of the first votes given on a
It seems to me that our true ground of opposition is this: opposition to the Act of 1850, because it is unnecessarily hard & severe, and almost absolutely useless as a practical measure of reclamation— There are many who believe that it is entirely unconstitutional, because Congress has no power of legislation upon the subject, or because it provides no trial by jury; while others think it unconstitutional in part, because it vests judicial power in Commissioners, & for other reasons. These, as well as all others who have any sympathy with our General Movement, agree that it is unnecessarily harsh & severe, and marked by many repulsive features, while thousands who do not concur in our movement,
At the same time that we insist on the repeal of this law we should admit the obligation of Congress, if it has the power to legislate, to provide a fair law, and of the States to do the same thing, if Congress has not the legislative power—
I shall be very glad to have your views. In the mean time
S. P. Chase
From Josiah M. Lucas to Abraham Lincoln, June 13, 1859
Washington City, D. C.
June 13, 1859.
Friend Lincoln
I expect that you will receive a letter, probably as soon as this reaches you from our old friend N. K. Sargent,Peoples”, as Kossuth would say. I met Mr. S. this morning and he called me asside and showed me several letters from gentlemen of the different wings of the “opposition”, and particularly one he had just received from H. H. Stuart,how to bring about the desired result. Various propositions are privately made. The South are anxious to be put in position, or given a “plank” on which they can make a fight upon. They want as little said about slavery as possible, and therefore feel much exercised with in regard to the “Platform” of the Republicans will propose in their the next Convention. The opposition in the South will be delighted if the question of slavery in the Territories is omitted. They will agree to say as many hard things in regard to the opening of the “Slave trade” and also as many hard things against the Democracy generally as the language is capable of conveying. With reference to the the extension of slavery in the Territories, the “opposition” in Maryland & Virginia are almost unanimously opposed to its further spread. I have conversed with very many on the subject and I have yet to hear the first advocate for it. Sargent belongs to the Fillmore school, — in other words, he was a prominent “K. N.”turn wheel into line if there is no other platform presented other than the “Constitution and the laws” as understood and practiced in the purer days of the Republic.
I do not know what Sargent is going to write to about unless it is to get an expression of opinion as to your plans for the coming campaign. I think that he is afraid of if Gov. Seward if is elected he will not deal fairly with the Fillmore wing of the opposition and that he will be under the influence of Thurlow Weed, who it is said to be very hostile to that interest. If he and thousands of others were satisfied upon that score much would be done in the way of conciliation. Sargent has the confidence of the leaders of the “American” party and also of the opposition in the South. He is known favorably by all the old Whigs — Once as their clerk of the H. of Reps, — as Recorder for a while, in the Genl Land Office — and lastly, as Register of the Treasury under Fillmore. At present I believe he is corresponding to sundry “opposition” papers. I want you to write him a pleasant letter, and thereby make him your friend (as he is no mean enemy) He says he knows you well and likes you very much.
Remember me to Wm Herndon I mention Herndon also to my friend Hatch &c. Excuse this hasty letter
Your friend
J. M. Lucas
From Nathan Sargent to Abraham Lincoln 1, June 13, 1859
q. v.). He responded to Sargent that such an opposition platform as Sargent proposed “would probably carry Maryland, and would certainly not carry a single other state. It would gain nothing in the South, and lose every thing in the North.” Republicans, he said, could abide no platform that would allow the spread or nationalization of slavery. See Collected Works, III, 387-88.
Washington June 13, 1859
How do you do? my worthy & esteemed old friend. You are having an easy time compared with what you had last year. Well, that year has gone, & this is going: but another is coming full of importance; & what are to be its results? Shall we, like a parcel of fools quarrel & lose all? or shall we, like men of common sense, let minor matters go, & unite to whip the enemy? I know what you will say, but will those you act with be as wise as I know you are? I do not call myself a republican, but an “Old Whigold — old in the cause too — and an American. I am for uniting the opposition however, against misrule and corrupt rulers. I want to see no sectional contest; we must have the South as well as the North, with us, & we can have if the republicans will be content simply we band together & enter the field against all those in favor of opening the slave trade, and all who belong to & sustain the corrupt, & demoralized democracy:republicans could be content with this, there will be no obstacle to a union of the opposition. But this should be distinctly understood before Southern men are asked to join them in a National Convention.
I have received a letter to day from A. H H. Stuart of Va,
Some of us think that if the Republicans were willing to unite upon Bates
I should like to have your views, as they would be from a stand-point different from mine & those I act with chiefly. How can Illinois be carried against the Charleston nominee, who I consider it certain will not be Mr Douglas
I take it for granted that unless the Charleston Convention declares in favor of opening the slave trade, D. & his friends will stick to the party & support the nominees. It takes more horses to pull the democratic party asunder than it did to pull the limbs of Damiens from his body.
N Sargent
From Mark W. Delahay to Abraham Lincoln, June 15, 1859
Chicago June 15th 1859
My Dear Sir,
We have just barly Escaped a defeat in Kansas, by the use of large sums of Federal money and by importation of Irish votes from the River Towns in Mo. by a late statute, 3 mos residence and the first papers entitle Irishmen to vote, our U D Clerk issued 650 first papers within a week of our election day without charge to the Irish— I challenged with harness on and in sight 500 Irishmen and nearly all of them swore that they had been three month and over in the Ty— Money was sent out from Washington we fully believe in large sums, and 20 thousand Dollars was expendid by the Democrats we think, in our county and city, our city — we think could give 1800 legal votes if all were out but on the Election day she polled 2445 votes— I have a claim for $1750.00 before the Board appointed to audit and adjust losses in 1855 & 1856 during our trubbles the Board will act upon this week and make an award which will be included in the ordinance to our new Constitution, and if Congress should fail to pay it, the State of Kansas will assume it I expect to be a candidate, this fall under the State Govt either for Gov or for Congress. I have 480 acres good land in Missouri & property in Kansas but I have but very little money 100 it will be a God send and I will surely repay it. I am Expecting to get that sum from each our Republican Members in Ills it will be faithfully appropriated in the best way to secure Kansas to the Republicans, thereby vastly stimulate our success in 1860, to loose her would be too bad after our long and arduous struggle. Certainly I feel diffident, to ask of you such a favor, but if you would take the matter in hand and get say 8 or 10 friends to contribute the amt it shall be never lost sight of. a Responsible and large number of our friends have sent me & Genl. Lane
Very Truly Yours
M W Delahay
From William D. Griswold to Abraham Lincoln 1, [June] 1859
1 William D. Griswold was an attorney from Terre Haute, Indiana. He later was president of the Ohio and Mississippi Railroad.
In 1859 Lincoln was engaged by the defendant in People v. Illinois Central Railroad, a case in which the issue was the method of assessing railroad property for taxation. The information in this memorandum would have been germane to Lincoln's case.
Chicago, June, 1859
The Terre Haute Alton & St Louis Rail Road is Two hundred & Eight miles long and is assessed for Taxation in the several Counties on the line. The Track including the Right of Way is assessed in all those several Counties according to my recollection at Three thousand (3000) dollars pr. mile with the exception of Madison County (in which is Alton) wherein the assessment is some what greater. I do not remember the exact amount. The length of line in Madison County is about 17 miles. I speak of the assessment for 1858 The assessment for 1859 was made upon the same returns of the Company made for 1858. I am not advised that that the assessment for 1859 is different from that of 1858
[Endorsed by Lincoln:]
W. D. Griswold—
Ills. C. R R
From Abraham Lincoln to Schuyler M. Colfax [Copy not in Lincoln's hand] 1, July 6, 1859
Collected Works, III, 376-77, Collected Works, III, 384, 386, and Salmon P. Chase to Lincoln, June 13, 1859.
Springfield, Ill. July 6, 1859.
My dear Sir:
I much regret not seeing you while you were here among us— Before learning that you were to be at Jacksonville on the 4th I had given my word to be at another place. Besides a strong desire to make your personal acquaintance, I was anxious to speak with you on politics a little more fully than I can well do in a letter— My main object in such conversation would be to hedge against divisions in the Republican ranks generally, and particularly for the contest of 1860. The point of danger is the temptation in different localities to “platform” for something which will be popular just there, but which nevertheless, will be a fire brand elsewhere, and especially in a National convention— As instances, the movement against foreigners in Massachusetts;nothing on points where it is probable we shall disagree— I write this for your eye only; hoping however if you see danger as I think I do, you will do what you can to avert it— Could not suggestions be made to leading men in the state and congressional conventions? and so avoid to some extent at least these apples of discord?
Yours very truly,
(Signed) A. Lincoln
[Endorsement:]
The foregoing copy is from Mrs. Ellen W. Colfax of South Bend, Indiana.
From Abraham Lincoln, Stephen T. Logan, and Ozias M. Hatch to James Miller [Draft in Lincoln's hand] 1, July 11, 1859
1 In 1841 the Illinois General Assembly witnessed the collapse of an ambitious state-sponsored internal improvement scheme. Unable through revenue to pay interest on the bonds that financed the measure, the legislature authorized the sale of state bonds below par to raise the necessary money. Accordingly the state's fund commissioner delivered 804 $1000 bonds to the firm of Macalister and Stebbins of New York with the understanding that the firm would then pay $321,600 of interest owed by Illinois. Macalister and Stebbins then borrowed the necessary sum from creditors of their own, using the bonds as collateral, and made the interest payment. When the state's fund commissioner was unable to repay the loan, the creditors of Macalister and Stebbins sold the bonds for what they would bring.
Refunding of the internal improvement debt became possible with the passage of a tax law dedicated to that purpose in 1847 and further legislation two years later. According to the latter law bondholders would be compensated at a rate no greater than 26 cents on the dollar. Ailing Governor William H. Bissell seems to have agreed with holders of Macalister and Stebbins bonds, to the refunding of some of the bonds at par in July of 1859, under the terms of that act. It was this measure in this letter to James Miller, the Illinois state treasurer, to which Lincoln and his colleagues took such objection, and the governor's action was duly repudiated. See John H. Krenkel, Illinois Internal Improvements, 1818-1848(Cedar Rapids: The Torch Press, 1958), 213-15; Robert P. Howard, Mostly Good and Competent Men: Illinois Governors, 1818-1988 (Springfield: Illinois State Historical Society, 1988), 91.
Springfield, Ills. July 11 — 1859
Dear Sir:
We suppose you are persistently urged to pay something upon the new McCallister and Stebbins bonds— As friends of yours, and of the people, we advise you to pay nothing upon them under any possible circumstances— The holders of them did a great wrong, and are now persisting in it, in a way which deserves severe punishment— They know the Legislature has again and again refused to pay those fully recognize the old bonds— Seizing upon an act never intended to apply to them, they besieged Gov Bissellhim the Governor last winter; he sought to have them go before the Legislature; they refused— Still they persisted, and dogged him in his afflicted condition till they got from him what the agent in New-York acted upon, and issued the new bonds— Now they refuse to surrender the bonds them, hoping to force an acquiescence, for Governor Bissell's sake— “That cock wont fight,” and they may as well so understand at once— If the news of the surrender of those the new bonds does not reach here in ten days from this date, we shall do what we can to have them repudiated in toto, finally and forever— If they were less than demons they would at once relieve Gov Bissell from the painful position they have dogged him into; and if they still persist, they shall never see even the twentysix cents to the dollar if we can prevent it—
A. Lincoln
S T. Logan
O. M. Hatch
P. S. Dubois
From Schuyler Colfax to Abraham Lincoln 1, July 14, 1859
South Bend Ind, July 14, 1859.
My dear Sir,
Thanking you most sincerely for your kind & timely note of the 6th inst. You must allow me to say that the greatest share of the loss in our continual failure to make each other's acquaintance falls to my lot. Last fall, to my great regret, I missed every opportunity of seeing or hearing you, the hope of which was really one of the reasons why, after my own tedious & prolonged though exciting canvass, I consented to trespass on your manor. I did wish, & I can say it without flattery, to listen & to be instructed by the speech of one who had achieved so enviable a national reputation in his contest with the subtlest politician of the age, & to know him personally as we can never know another except by seeing him eye to eye in the heat of the battle. And again, last week, the main reason of my return from Jacksonville to Springfield on the afternoon of the 4th, was the conviction that I should see you on your return from your duties elsewhere, but which the perversity of an off-the-track train prevented.
Mr. Hanna, of Alton, showed me to the Executive mansion, where I had the pleasure of meeting Gov Bissellin bed; but Judge Trumbull,
The suggestions you make in your letter & so forcibly state have already occurred to me; but the means of remedying them are less easy to ascertain. Nothing is more evident than that there is an ample number of voters in the Northern States, opposed to the Extension & Aggressions of Slavery, & to Democratic misrule, to triumphantly elect a President if united. But it is equally evident that, making up this majority, are men of all shades & gradations of opinion from the Conservative, who almost fears to defend his principles for fear of imperiling peace, to the bold radical, who strikes stalwart blows, regardless of policy or popularity. How this mass of mind shall be consolidated into a victorious phalanx in 1860 is the great problem — I think of our eventful times. And he who can could accomplish it, is worthier of fame than Napoleon or Emanuel.
Again. Our friends too often, I think, overlook the fact that much of our apparent strength is due to the specific wickedness of our opponents — not all of it to cordial fear adhesion to our own exact Confession of Faith — & that after all, there is considerable Conservative sentiment in our own ranks, which rises in strength, as in 1856, when Democracy preaches moderation, & yields to bolder counsels when Democracy more openly transgresses, as in 1854 & 1858. Next year, we must either win this Conservative sentiment, with its kindred sympathizers, represented under the title of North Americans, Old Line Whigs &c, to our banners, or by repelling them must go into the contest looking for defeat unless we can trample over our natural enemy, aided by a third party diversion, thus making two opposing tickets instead of one; & with our divided forces conquer our united foe.
I could not for one surrender the Republican organization, nor its animating principle, the Rights of Free Labor; but believing that the Extension of Slavery is to be arrested mainly by the crushing out of the Democratic party, & that four years more of their wicked plottings would so demoralize & debauch the country, & probably increase the area & strengthen the power of the Institution as to render it impregnable, I would be willing cheerfully to accept a moderate platform & a moderate candidate, if they would not repel from us more than we would attract. You & I, as well as friends in Pa & N. J. can see in our own States how formidable is this element of Conservatism; & if it can be secured without alienating our radicals, the Campaign of '60 is already won. The “lions in the way” are numerous indeed; but to them who, like yourself, are not slothful, difficulties are half surmounted, when discerned & confronted. In this work — to achieve success & to achieve it too without a sacrifice of essential principle, — you can do far more than one like myself, so much younger. Your counsel carries great weight with it; for, to be plain, there is no political letter that falls from your pen, which is not copied throughout the Union. And I can assure you if you will lead in this work, you will find me a faithful follower of your counsel.
I enclose you some resolutions
Very Truly Yrs
Schuyler Colfax
From Thomas A. Howland to Abraham Lincoln, July 16, 1859
New York, July 16 1859
My Dear Sir,
Your note of the 13th
Will you be so kind as to send me a copy of the same.
I have also learned this morning that the Firm of Bedell Northop & Bedell, on whom I drew, have stoped payment. — I could not learn whether the Draft was paid or not. If it is not and is returned you will draw on me for the amount.
Yours truly
T A Howland
From Anson G. Henry to Abraham Lincoln 1, July 17, 1859
Olympia W. T. July 17th 1859
Dear Lincoln
I have heard nothing from that Lawyer in Henderson Co. to whom you confided that demand of mine, against Maj. A. N. Armstrong.
Collected Works, III, 339-40.
I am here on my surveying business; have been engaged for most of the past year on a Contract— I expect to finish it up by October & return to my home in Oregon where my Family still are— My Son in Law A. C. Smith, is now living on Grays Harbor near our work, holding the Town site by pre-emption, of a great City in prospect—
You will have heard of the astounding result of the Oregon Election It is claimed here that Loganis beat 21 votes, and I think it is so— The Editor of the leading Democratic paper (the Oregon Statesman) says, it has been the result of a family quarrel, that has been provoked by the selfishness of Genl. Lane—conscientious fools” in the Republican ranks, had let Dave alone, & stain at home instead of making speeches for him, he would have been Elected by 500— They want content with his taking their Platform adopted by the Nominating Convention, but they must construe it for him, as they desire to have it, and thus aided the Democratic Candidate in arousing old prejudices excited by the cry of Abolitionists Black Republicanism & c. I left the State the day after the nomination having used my best exertions to keep down this ultra influence, & hoped we have succeeded— David made an able and judicious canvass, & it is too bad that he should have been beaten by the impertinent interference of misguided friends— You know the kind of men they are, for you have suffered enough by them in Your canvasses.
You know we will have two Senators to elect by the Legislature to be elected in June of next year, the Legislature meeting the following Sept.
Genl. Lane will not decline a re-election unless provided for at Charleston— He is a selfish old Dog, and will act on the rule or ruin policy— I think we will elect an out & out Republican & a Popular Sovereignty Democrat, that will make a good Republican in a few months, provided our war debt is not paid untill after the June election is over— The debt is a just one in the main, & ought to be paid, but I would give it all if it was mine to secure the election of two Republicans to the Senate.
I hope our friends in Congress will understand this & govern themselves accordingly— The passage of a bill paying the debt before our June election would probably return to the Senate Genl. Lane & an other Southern Toady, while its passage after our election by Republican votes, would give Oregon to even Wm. H. Seward in November 1860, but it would go for you at any time without any aid of this sort— No man can estimate the strength of the abolition prejudice that operates against Mr Seward with Old Missourians, (who compose a majority of our voters) untill they have seen & felt it.
The Know nothing Constitution of Mass. was used very effectively here and in Oregon— I took the responsibility of saying in a speech I was forced to make here the other day in reply to this kind of clap trap stuff— That I know both you & Seward, as well as most of the Republicans of note out of Mass. would repudiate it. Was I right?
The election here came off on the 11 inst. — Stephenslargely less than two years ago in proportion to the [agregate?] vote — One half or more that voted for him protested against his Construction of the Dred Scott case, & the policy of the present administration — but they could not swallow the Black Republican nominee, although they agreed with him in opinion— Such men ought to be owned by a Southern planter & be worked on their plantations awhile—
Remember me kindly to Mrs Lincoln & all old Friends—
Yours Truly
A. G. Henry
From William Dennison Jr. to Lyman Trumbull 1, July 21, 1859
Columbus (Ohio) July 21, 1859.
Dr Sir
I expect to have some joint meetings during the Canvass with Judge Ranney my opponent for the Governorship & it has occurred to me that I might find some valuable material for the discussions from your speeches & the Douglas & Lincoln debates in your state during your late Canvass. Can you furnish me them? I have no personal acquaintance with Mr Lincoln or I would write him— I will be greatly obliged for your early attention to my wants in this regard & will be happy to serve you at all times—
I will thank you also for Copies of the Senate Bills you were so kind as to send me last fall showing Douglas' amendment of the Toombs bill striking out the Submission Clause— Truly Yrs
W Dennison Jr.
[Endorsed by Lyman Trumbull:]
My Dear Sir,
Can you supply Mr. Ds wants? I have none of the documents with me & would be obliged to you to furnish him if in your power.
Truly Yours
Lyman Trumbull
New York City
Aug. 2/59.
From Samuel Galloway to Abraham Lincoln 1, July 23, 1859
Columbus July 23 1859
My dear friend —
I ardently contemplated visiting Springfield Ill — before starting on my tour, and that was my purpose until the Evening previous to the day designated for going to S. At St Louis on my way from Peoria to S. I was suddenly and severely attacked with a diarrhoea, and concluded from the symptoms, and upon advice, to start homeward. I was wise in so determining, because home treatment was what I needed — and it had the anticipated good effect— My special objects in going to S. were to visit you & my relation Dr Reynold's family. I desired specially to have a conversation with you, as to our duties and dangers as Republicans— integra res— He could not perpetrate such folly & wickedness, and hence they resolved upon his defeat and presented the degrading alternative — reject Swan or we will repudiate & defeat the ticket— Our trading politicians and political prostitutes for the sake of harmony (falsely so called) alarmed at the threat, agreed to sacrifice Swan & propitiate the fanatics— The result will be, I am apprehensive that our Republican ticket will be beaten in Ohio— and and we cannot engage in the battle for 1860, with hope of success— To be brief, and to jump to my conclusion — we cannot have Salmon P Chase, or any man representing his ultra ideas as our Candidate for 1860.ene friend to reward nor enemies to punish— The object is too great to be sacrificed either to partialities or prejudices— The objections to Seward and Banks are quite as formidable as those which may be noted against Chase I will not at present specify or discuss them— The truth and my idea upon this point are not to be disguised— We must take some man not hitherto corrupted with the discussion upon Candidates. Your name has been again and again mentioned — also that of Judge Trumbull —well well known by many of my intimate friends— Your programme of principles as set forth in your discussions discussions with Judge Douglass — will suit all Republicans — and especially those of the old Whig stamp— Upon this & kindred topics I desired to talk with you — but disappointed in having an interview I propose if agreeable to you to give you my views by correspondence— Kind regards to Dr Reynolds & family— With assurances of my sincere regards
Ex parte Bushnell Swan had refused to ignore the ruling of the Federal court and release a prisoner accused of violating one of the provisions of the Fugitive Slave Law. In retaliation the Republican party of Ohio refused to renominate Swan as chief justice at their convention that year.
Collected Works, III, 384, 386, and Chase to Lincoln, June 13, 1859. He considered it (and Chase, who supported it) far too radical.
Yrs
Saml Galloway
Collected Works, III, 394-95.
Professional
A word or two as to an item of business— Mr Ambos, of this city having learned that I was going to Springfield — requested me to call & see you relative to the claim of their Compy against Barret—intimated stated in your letter of June 21/ 59 to C Ambos that you would “gladly surrender your charge of the case, to any one whom they would designate — I was authorized, provided it was inconvenient or in any respect not agreeable to you to prosecute this case to commit the matter into the hands of some other Atty— They prefer & I prefer that you should keep the matter in your hands. — but if it be your pleasure to give it into the hands of another — then it is requested that you designate some reliable man— I am persuaded that you will do safely and promptly all that can be done — unless you are encumbered some way, by business or other relations with Barret— If such be the fact, then it is the duty of Ambos to release you — & concur in your suggestion—
Collected Works, III, 386-87.
I know that you will advise what is best for Ambos — and at the same time agreeable to yourself— What you advise or recommend shall be done— Let me hear from you at your Earliest convenience convenience
S. G —
Collected Works, III, 393-94.
From Joseph Gillespie and David Gillespie to Abraham Lincoln, July 25, 1859
Edwardsville July 25th 1859
Dear Sir
Yours informing us of the decision of Judge Treat
J & D Gillespie
Joseph Gillespie is pretty bad off with the neuralgia in the leg. does not now seem to get much better, but hope he will be able to be about in a short time.
We suppose the Judgment in the case against Mudge will not be entered up until the next term—
J & D. G—
From Minnesota Republican Central Committee to Abraham Lincoln 1, July 25, 1859
Rooms of Republican Central Com
Saint Paul July 25, 1859
Dear Sir:
The Republican Central Committee of Minnesota have instructed me to write you to visit our State during the fall and participate in the coming canvass.
The Republican ticket was placed before the people on the 20th inst. The Democracy will nominate on the 17th of August and the campaign will commence about September 1st.
We would be much gratified to have you spend a portion, at least, of the time prior to the day of election, (October 14th) in addressing the people in the different localities of the state—
An United States Senator, and two members of the Ho., of Reps, will be among the fruits of our victory should we be successful. This renders our contest a National one. The Democracy will have no lack of the best talent the party contains. Men of equal ability and position in our own ranks must give us their assistance
We look upon public men as public property in emergencies like the present, and therefore urge you, and extend you a cordial invitation to be with us—
Do us the favor to advise us of your determination as early as convenient
Respectfully yours
Daniel Rohrer
Ch: Rep: Cent. Com. of
Minnesota
From Leander Jay S. Turney to Abraham Lincoln 1, July 25, 1859
For the eye of A. Lincoln only
Fairfield July 25, 1859
My Dear Sir : —
Being in receipt of several letters, requesting permission to use my name as a candidate for Sec. of State, at our next Republican Convention, I take the liberty of addressing you, among and some other friends, before replying to my correspondents.
Some of those who have writen me, make out their entire ticket, for 1860, as follows: —
For governor
“
“
“
“
“
What think you of the ticket? In my opinion it is not a weak one. It is well distributed, geographically, and we can secure the nomination of just this ticket, by proper magement, and without the use of any unfair means dominate such a ticket and its triumphant election. and the election of a Republican majority to the next Illinois Legislature, will be secured, by each man on it, thoroughly canvassing his part of the state. And the election of this, or some such ticket, and the election of a Republican majority to our next Legislature, would be a policy against public peculations and Canal frauds in future: and would effectually put a quietus upon the Senatorial aspirations of my particular friend S. S. Marshall for the election of such men, and such majority, would scatter abroad a banditti, from about our state house, who seem to be bound together, by the “cohesive power of public plunder” — and would be saying to such second rate Demagogues as Marshall, Logan, McAllans & co. “Go thy way for this time — we will call when we want any of you.”
I am not quite sure Col. Archer ought to be on the ticket, on account of age. Nor do I know that Jo. Galespiemembers. Each man named is a worker, and would work. If Galespie consents, he is one of the most suitable men in the state; for, in case of the death, or disability of the gov. he would make one executive officer of distinguished ability.
In this part of the state we are for a new ticket. We go for Rotation from principle. But for this sentiment our friend Powell would stand a good chance for nomination. Many think he was badly treated by the last Convention
In relation to myself, I remark — my friends think, and say, on account of my former connection with the press at Shawneetown, my Canvass for Congress against Marshall, and my having discharged the duties of state's Attorney, in the Counties of White, Wabash, Edwards, Wayne, Marion, Jefferson, Hamilton, Saline and Gallatin, that I can secure, for our ticket, several hundred more votes, in Egypt,am.
Of course you feel a deep interest, in the next canvass, upon general principles — and it may be that you are more interested in it than you now suppose. Many, very many, think you ought to have been elected to the senate instead of TrumbullRotation should be applied to that position, as well as to other offices — and I assure, you that a strong feeling exists in favor of your election by the next Legislature. Now my friend, if you are disposed to help for help, let me know it, and I will go to work quietly but efficiently.
I am well satisfied I can so manage, a local question, as to elect our old friend Genl. Pickeringin order to secure a majority, of the next Legislature. I will explain this matter, and how I can manage it, more fully hereafter. But I advise you now, “in the strictest confidence, I know I have the power to elect the old General, if it become necessary for me to make the sacrifice alluded to.
If you and two or three other influencial friends, in your region, in addition to those who have tendered me their support, are willing to stand by me, and work for my nomination, I will do my duty. I am promised the united vote of Egypt, and my friends authorize me to say “they will help those who help them”.
I have now given you the Republican sentiment “south”, and elsewhere, as I understand it. I have done this without reserve — and have fully indicated my own feelings and views — and confidently expect you to write equally explicitly in answer. Let me urge you to give me your views and feelings freely, fully, and with perfect Candor. The necessity for this kind of correspondence between us, must, at once, present itself to your mind. To accomplish the ends contemplated we must rely implicitly upon each other's fidelity — and we must work understandingly, prudently, cautiously and constantly. All this I will do, with regard to you; and if your views and feelings accord with mine, I hope you will say that you will do the same, in relation to me.
Should you be unwilling, however, to engage in this reciprocity of feeling and effort, I hope you will do yourself the justice, and me the kindness to say so, in your reply.
Please excuse my freedom and favor me with an immediate answer. Confidentially,
Your obt. Servt & friend,
L. Jay S. Turney
P. S. Give me a better and stronger ticket in your answer; if you think of any changes, for the better, suggest them — Again T.
From James J. Ferree to Abraham Lincoln, July 26, 1859
Carmi July 26th 1859
Dear Sir
You will perhaps recollect some 2 or 3 conversations which took place between D G Hay yourself & myself at Jonesboro & Centralia, concerning M B Brown, our candidate for representative in White & Wabash. I then gave you without reserve my impressions of the man which I had received more from the opinion of others than from personal knowledge, & I must in candor say that at the time referred to, I did the man great injustice in supposing that he could be purchased by the democracy by any means or at any price. The duties of the canvass brot us into an intimacy that resulted in convincing me that upon the main issue viz: the extension of slavery — he is as thoroughly republican as any of us, & he is now disposed to cooperate with us in our efforts to overthrow the present party in power, most heartily He has been an old whig leader in this section & also of the American party & he is always disposed to act with any party which he thinks half right in order to whip the democracy, but the late canvass by directing his attention more specifically to the living issues made a strong republican of him. He wields an immense influence here with the opposition & being above suspicion in regard to negro equality &c, his name on the state ticket during the next race would greatly strengthen our hands in this part of Egypt.
I write this to repair the injustice which I did Mr Brown to set him right before you & to make a suggestion in regard to the formation of the next state ticket a matter in which I feel a deep interest. I have heard my our friend Phillippsvery competent for that or the Auditors place, should Col Dubois
We expect to make a thorough canvass of the 9th district next year & to reduce by some thousands the late majority
Yours most truly
James J Ferree
From Thomas A. Howland to Abraham Lincoln 1, July 27, 1859
Office White, Howland & Co.
No. 50 23 William Street,
New York, July 27 1859
Dear Sir
Your Draft — at sight for 100 84/ 100 dollars was presented and paid. Since which your favor of the 23d
Collected Works, Supplement I, 40.
You will pleas send me the acceptance of Bedell Northop & Bedell by return of Mail.
As to the Deposition of Durant, you need not be afraid of them geting any thing from him that will in any way hurt us.
I wish you would write me just what you want to pursue in order to best them.
Waiting your reply I remain
Yours truly
T A Howland
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
T. A. Howland—July 27 59
From James Miller to Abraham Lincoln 1, July 28, 1859
N. Y. July 28th 1859
Dear Sir
Your suggestion in Mr. Dubois
I understood from Dr Mackwere better that the world should know that even an Auditor, might be mistaken than that this arrangement should fail
This quibling is contemptible & is very annoying to me as the agent. It carries with it a Seeming distrust in me as not being trustworthy, & is so looked upon here. I ask your favourable consideration of this matter
Respectfully Yours
James Miller
From Ethelbert P. Oliphant to Abraham Lincoln 1, July 28, 1859
Talisman, the only steamboat to ascend the Sangamon River to the vicinity of Springfield. Oliphant had requested Lincoln's aid earlier when he desired an appointment to Denmark. See Oliphant to Lincoln, May 8, 1849, and Collected Works, II, 48.
Uniontown
July 28th, 1859.
Dear Sir
It is pleasant at times to recal ancient scenes and recollections.
You doubtless remember that our first acquaintance and interview, took place in the Spring of 1832 at “Salem”, at that time quite a famous town in the County of Sangamon Ill.
Our next meeting was in the “bloody Fourth” Capt. Thompson's regiment, when we were “fratres miles” in the Black Hawk War”.
I have “hearn” of you many times since, through the public prints, and from this source learn that you have climbed the political ladder, much higher than has fallen to the lot of your humble servent.
You have been in Congress, had able if not a successful competition for the Senate of the U. S. and now named among others for the office of Vice President.
Well as this is a “free fight” I pitch in for you for that position, whoever may nominated, or named for the first office, provided always nevertheless, my cousin “Andy Stewart” is not in the way. This is the only contingency that will prevent me from being “first last and all the timefor “Abe Lincoln” as the Republican Candidate for V. P. in 1860.
Now Sir when you are elected to this high and honorable post, the only favor I have to ask, is that you will have me appointed Charge to Denmark or somewhere else.
I ought to have had this situation under Taylor's administration, but as in many other cases my “Star was not in the ascendant.”
Allow me to say Sir, that I read your debate with Douglass, in the recent Canvass in your state, with great pleasure, and profit. If my opinion is worth any thing I give it freely and unbiassed, that mentally in that contest you were a full match for the “Little Giant” and in Several instances surpassed him.
It is not my purpose to extend this communication, and shall therefore dismiss many things of the past, and present that crowd upon the mind.
Since 1836, (with the exception of 18 months) I have been residing in this place engaged in the profession of the law.
Though temperate, moral, and upright in conduct and deportment, and acknowledged talent and ability as a speaker nay advocate I have not garnered, as a rich a Store, of Fame and money, as I believed myself, all things considered entitled to. Well I suppose mine is not the only case of the kind, and without attempting to analize the Causes, or indicating whether the fault is my own or others, I shall dismiss this subject of “self” without further comment.
As to domestic matters, I have a good wife, and four children living. Three sons, and one daughter — Eldest, (son) 17 ys youngest, 18 months, — daughter will be 15 yrs of age in August next. She is at school, at Morgantown Va. And bids fair to be an excellent scholar particularly in Mathematics, and Music.
How many little Lincolns have you?
With my best wishes for the health, happiness, and prosperity of you and yours.
I am very truly
Yr friend &c.
E. P. Oliphant.
N. B. Have you any county in your practicing district, where money could be made, and a pleasant place to live, and in which you would like to have a “law partner”. What inducements could you offer? if any.
yrs again
Ethelbert P. Oliphant
From John T. Slater to Abraham Lincoln, August 6, 1859
Pleasant Plains, Ills, 6th, 1859.
Respected Sir:
In view of the mutilated state of my Testimony, as published in the State Democrat; you will please (for my satisfaction) furnish me a Copy of the notes as taken by yourself, and much oblige your Friend.
Yours Respectfully.
J. Slater.
From Mark W. Delahay to Abraham Lincoln, August 7, 1859
Leavenworth City Augt 7th 1859
My Dear Lincoln
Your kind favor$100 for which I will give you a note with Genl J H Lane
Very Truly Your friend
M. W. Delahay
P S
the Democrats will oppose our Constitution and will I think be damaged by it, but we hope to secure its ratifycation by the people we have so many Elections coming on that our people are hard to rally— Yours
D
From Theophilus L. Dickey to Abraham Lincoln 1, August 10, 1859
Ottawa Ill
Aug— 10th 1859—
Hon. A. Lincoln.
Judge Drummond
It is now near the Close of the term of the Court & it may be that we might miss of a patent hearing— I will however adapt myself to your wishes I would prefer to argue the Case before a full court & at the first of a term— I however want it disposed of soon
Answer at once & if your answer is laconic — by telegraph — I am at my expense. I am D. H on the wires
Yours
T. Lyle Dickey
From Samuel Galloway to Abraham Lincoln, August 10, 1859
Columbus Augt. 10, 1859.
My Dear Sir
I submitted your letter
Collected Works, III, 393-94.
They further approve your discretion in deferring the advertising of sale of mortgaged property until September — for the reason specified by you
They are willing to take other paper, of good men upon condition that the same shall be credited when collected— They prefer not taking an absolute assignment unless you are not p apprehensive that the whole amount cannot be obtained from Barret.— They have requested me to inquire in regard to the judgment assigned to you for the benefit of the Company, and which you state in one of your letters can probably be collected as soon as you can have leisure to go to some ______ county where there is property of judgment debtor—
You inquire “when we come to sell on the decree what will we do about the older mortgage” I am not sufficiently posted, as to the precise condition of that mortgage to enable me to form or express an opinion—
Being a stockholder, (of small amount,) in the Company, I know that their finances are in a depressed condition — and hence their Earnestness in asking the enforcement of collections. I am authorized to state that the Company have full confidence in your discretion and diligence — and they merely request that you will use such such skill and ability as you can command, in collecting the claim — and they will be satisfied with your proceedings.
Yrs. & c
Saml Galloway
N B I will write, in a few days, a letter on the political “Signs of the times”— I have instituted inquiries by personal consultation & correspondence so that when I write I can express myself more fully & intelligently than in my previous letter.
S G
[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]
Saml Galloway.
From Joseph Gillespie and David Gillespie to Abraham Lincoln, August 16, 1859
Edwardsville August 16, 1859
Dear Sir
We are very anxious to get a motion for a new trial in in the case of Ellridge Whiting against Solomon H. Mudge which was tried at June term of the District Court— We understood from you that the decision was made after the Court adjourned and if so, opportunity should be afforded the Defendant to file a notice for a new trial and he should not be deprived of that right by the Court making up its decision in Vacation. The reason we are so anxious to have the privilege of making the motion is that we do not wish a final Judgment entered until the next term in January. in the meantime there is a case pending in our Circuit Court upon the same principle which will be tried at our October Term and we will get by letting Judgment go against the Defendant pro forma and appeal to our Supreme Court and have a decision at Mt Vernon in time if favorable to the Defendant to influence Judge Treatmaking trying to make Mudge responsible as a Stockholder of the Mississippi & Atlantic Rail Road Co— Please see what can be done
J & D Gillespie
From Christian Farni to Abraham Lincoln, August 17, 1859
Farnisville Woodford Co, Ills August 17th, 1859
Dear Sir!
Since I had last the pleasure to see you in Chicago, I have not heard any thing of my Law Suit pending in the U. S. C. Courtentirely in you I beg leave to call your attention to my case again and wish you to let me know how matters and things stand now. As I told you in Chicago I will appeal if you do advise me to do so and I would like you to call the attention of Mr Fuller to that point, so that we do not miss the time. I hope, my dear friend, you will try your best for me and you may be sure that any thing in my power will be at your deposal.
Respectfully Yours Truly
Christian Farni
By F. Heinrichs
When the political campaign will commence, I would like to have a hand in it, and I do readily believe, that we can carry Woodford Co in 1860; if there is some newspapers & pamphlet of importance do not forget to send some to this place.
From Ward H. Lamon to Abraham Lincoln 1, August 20, 1859
Bloomington Illinois
Aug. 20, 1859 —
Dear Sir:
We have just learned that Mr. Millerat this timesuicidal almost to our party.— We hope if Mr. Miller has not determined on it, that you will use your influence, to prevent him from doing so—
Mr. Mackdetermined to resign, and at his, and Swett's,at the same time in said letter that Mr. Miller would not resign—
Very Respectfully
Your
Friend
Ward H Lamon
P. S. This matter is extensively talked about, here — and an almost universal condemnation of such a course in Mr. Miller—
Yours Truly
Lamon
P. S. I hope Mrs Lincoln and the family are well — please present my compliments to her — & believe
Yours
L
Mr. Lincoln on more mature reflection, I doubt very much the propriety of appointing Mr. Mack to the office of State Treasurer in case of the resignation of Mr Miller It would be more politic to appoint some one who was not a Banker — such a person as Mr. Butler
From James Miller to Abraham Lincoln 1, August 20, 1859
Springfield August 20 1859
Dear Sir
when I arranged with Dr Mack
Very Respecty Yours
James Miller
From James H. Norris to Abraham Lincoln 1, August 21, 1859
Prison Joliet Ills Aug 21/ 59
A Lincoln Esqr
A short time since I received a letter from my brother-in law who informs me that Allen's evidence against me was completely riddled and he thinks public opinion is now much in my favor. I would like for you to take hold of my case and try if you cannot do something for me I can secure you one hundred dollars if you think you can do anything. For you cleared Armstrong of the same charge you of course understand the case better than any one else. If you will take the case in hand you will please address Jno W. Harris Havanna Ills who will secure you the money
Please inform me what you can do.
Yours &c
Jas H. Norris
Care of James Congden Esqr
Joliet Ills
From Norman B. Judd to Abraham Lincoln, August 22, 1859
Chicago 22 Aug. 59
Dear Sir: — Your favor
Collected Works, III, 396-397.
Yr friend
N. B. Judd
From Theophilus L. Dickey to Abraham Lincoln, August 26, 1859
Ottawa Ill
Aug. 26th 1859
Dear Sir —
On receipt of your letter
I remain your friend
T. Lyle Dickey
From David Davis to Abraham Lincoln, August 27, 1849
Bloomington. Ill
Augt 27, 1859
Dear Lincoln.
You need not hunt up the question of — limitation —
— It The [creaters?] have filed their claims just a few days too early for me—
Let it slide
Your friend
D Davis
P S —
Baker of Chicago is here, & feels that we are saved from a great trial—
From Lyman Trumbull to Abraham Lincoln, August 29, 1859
Lakeville, Conn. Aug. 29/ 59.
My Dear Sir,
The enclosed papers
Patriot; Plan to Regulate the Collection for the Fund to Establish the Washington Patriot; and John Orf to the Hon. Senators and Members of Congress of the Republican and American Parties, August 9, 1859, all preceding in this collection.
Douglas & his friends are bragging largely upon his chances for the Charleston nomination Such men as Thurlow Weed & Geo. M. Weston think he will get it. Such is not my opinion but they are much better informed than I in regard to such matters. Weed says New-York will send delegates favorable to Douglas. I expect to be in Springfield in about three weeks — design going to Washington this week & will have documents liberally sent into the 6th Dist. which I hope our friends will at last make an effort to carry.
Myself & family have been spending a few weeks very pleasantly at this quiet place— They will remain here sometime yet, but it is my intention to return to Ill. soon after I get back from Washington—
Truly Yours
Lyman Trumbull
From William T. Bascom to Abraham Lincoln 1, September 1, 1859
Republican State Central Committee Rooms,
Columbus, O., Sept 1 1859
Dear Sir:
I enclose herewith a notice that appeared in our “Statesman” this morning by which you see that Douglas is posted for two meetings in Ohio.
Now, we desire to head off the little gentleman, and in behalf of the Rep. State Cent. Com I invite you to visit our State, to make a few Speeches, say 3, or 4, at such prominent points as we may select. We would prefer the time, Say the 13 14, 15 – 16, & 17, Sept, or if preferable to you from the 27, to Oct. 1st use you well. If you can come, telegraph me when & how long, also write me.
Yours truly
Sec
From Peter Zinn to Abraham Lincoln 1, September 2, 1859
Collected Works, III, 400.
Cincinnati, September 2d, 1859.
Dear Sir — The announcement of Step. A. Douglass to address the Democracy of Ohio at Columbus and Cincinnati, has suggested your appearance in Cincinnati on behalf of the Opposition.
Allow me to explain, that in Hamilton county, in which Cincinnati is located, the opponents of modern political democracy united in 1858, and after a most spirited contest, carried the county — before that time considered impossible — and it is now contemplated to do the same thing this fall; and to do it well.
I am requested by several of our friends to ascertain whether you would be willing to address the oposition, and if so, at what time. Our Election is on the 11th October, and we would desire to have you here as soon after Judge Douglass as may be convenient. He speaks in Cinti, on the 8th inst. I am authorized to say your expenses would be paid.
Should you visit Cincinnati, and circumstances permit, I have no doubt your aid will be sought from other sections of Ohio, if it has not been done already. I am a member of the Republican State Central Committee, and shall immediately write to our secretary at Columbus the purport of this letter.
The political contest in Ohio promises to be very spirited. Both sections — all factions — of the modern Democracy act together; and they are making a desperate fight.
Please reply without unnecessary delay, and direct to Delhi, Hamilton Co. O.
I am very respectfully,
Peter Zinn, Chmn.
Hamilton Co. Opposition Executive Comte.
From Hawkins Taylor to Abraham Lincoln 1, September 3, 1859
Collected Works, III, 399-400.
Keokuk Sept 3d 59
Dear Sir
I understand that you will attend the term of the U. S. District Court commencing here on the 3d Tuesday of this month. If you do come which I hope that you may we will expect to have a speech from you You will be here a few days before our State Election and may be able to give us a lick a head. One thing is certain that you can go no place where you will have more friends than you have here in proportion to the number of Republicans You will find the “Lighter House” here a new and excellent House good rooms and accommodating Republican land lord
Republicanism is rapidly on the increase in our State amongst the masses. Our nominations have not in all cases been the best
Yours Truly
Hawkins Taylor
From Lyman Trumbull to Abraham Lincoln, September 5, 1859
Lakeville, Ct. Sep.t 5, 1859.
My Dear Sir,
In case Murray McConnelthat no one else ought to be thought of.
Please consult Mr. Hatch
Yours truly
Lyman Trumbull
From Denton Offutt to Abraham Lincoln 1, September 7, 1859
Paris, Ky. Sept 7 1859
Sir I hope you are well and Family I am in good helth but lean recovering from Cough I wish you to collect If you can 50 Dollars of the President of the Agriceltural Fare at Chicanger
Tillman for my sirveses by contrack at the Agricl Fare at Richmond Virgina last fall The Pensilvany and baltimore fare Maryl Promtly paid ther premium I spent 20 dllars to go to Richmond Ag Fare and He did not pay the contract
Denton Offutt
[Endorsed by Denton Offutt:]
Gen Tilmman
Detor to Denton Offutt for performance on horse
Fifty Dollars 50$
Oct 1858
Richmond Vir
From William T. Bascom to Abraham Lincoln 1, September 9, 1859
Republican State Central Committee Rooms,
Columbus, O., Sept 9 1859.
Dr. Sir:
q. v.) and invited him to speak in Ohio. Neither Lincoln's telegram nor his letter in response has been located.
Harper's Magazine 19 (September, 1859) 521-537. In this article Douglas argued that the nation's founding fathers recognized the right of dependent political communities to local self-government, and that they considered slavery a matter of domestic and internal concern.
From William T. Bascom to Abraham Lincoln 1, September 9, 1859
Republican State Central Committee Rooms,
Columbus, O., Sept 9 1859.
Dr Sir: Your despatch
q. v.) that invited him to speak in Ohio.
Douglas had a large meeting here, but it had no effect. His speech was his Harpers Magazine article
Harper's Magazine 19 (September, 1859) 521-537. In this article Douglas argued that the nation's founding fathers recognized the right of dependent political communities to local self-government, and that they considered slavery a matter of domestic and internal concern.
Do not fail us. We depend much upon you. There is no man who can do so much good in this State Just at this time as yourself
Your letter is also recd. If any thing should prevent you coming, telegraph me in season
Yours
From William H. Brown to Abraham Lincoln 1, September 10, 1859
Chicago Sept. 10. 1859
Dear Sir,
Yours of the 23d. ult.
With Mrs. B. I very much regretted the disappointment of a visit from your self & party, upon their late excursion to Chicago — and the more so, as Mrs. B. had invited a little party of ladies and gentlemen to meet her Springfield friends. The disappointment therefore extended to others as well as to ourselves.
I regretted the more on your a/c. as tho our views of life may be diverse, yet, in you I recognize the representative of the great principles upon which our government is founded. There is a large, & in their sphere, an influential class of our Citizens, sympathising with you, and zealously supporting your claims to office. You seldom see them upon the Streets or at our public Hotels. Mr. B. W. Raymond is a type of this class. I do not know that you are acquainted with him.
It is important, I think, that as a public man, you should cultivate the acquaintance of men of this class, at least in some degree, and not rely entirely upon professed politicians. The Company you would have met at my house, were principally of the former class, who know you well by reputation, and ardently supported you in the canvass of 1858, and doubtless would have been happy to have taken you by the hand.
I trust Mrs. L. will not lay this matter very seriously at heart. Mrs. B. cordially accepts the excuse given, & hopes she will have another opportunity to extend her hospitalities to Mrs. L. & her friends.
As to yourself, as my suggestions are kindly intended, please receive them in the same spirit, and believe me
Yours very truly
W. H. Brown
From Norman B. Judd to Abraham Lincoln, September 10, 1859
Dear Lincoln
A good Republican has just come into the office and says one of the Times men says Douglass is to make a speech at the fair— If that is attempted Rome will howl— The only excuse for it — will be his position— Now you must come up without fail — and that will bluff them if they are so trickey— My house is open to you— Answer by telegraph
Yr friend
Judd
From Joseph Medill to Abraham Lincoln, September 10, 1859
Office Chicago Press & Tribune
51 Clark Street,
Confidential
Chicago, Sept 10 1859
Dr Sir
I send you Douglas' late speech in Columbus Ohio. You will see the new grounds he takes and the new coloring he gives to his old dogmas I observe that you are invited to make speeches in Columbus & Cincinnati. You will draw big crowds and be well received. I know the Buckeyes well — being raised in that state.
Do not consider me presumptious for offering a suggestion or two, viz: As you are not a candidate you can talk out as boldly as you please. There is no Egypt
Dont act on the defensive, but pitch hot shot into the back of doughface and pro slavery democracy. Rake down the swindling pretension of Douglas that his Kansas Nebraska bill guarantees or permits popular sovignty. We have made a leading article on that subject in our today's paper. If you will lay bare the fraud, delusion and sham of squatter sovrignty, you will do our cause in Ohio much service, as it will break the back of the Democratic pretense. You made some strong points in your Chicago speech a year ago on the drift and tendency of the principles of the Democracy, and the duty of patriots to resist the aggressions of the oligarchy Your peroration to the spirit of Liberty was capital. Look over that speech again. Do not fail to get off some of your “anecdotes & hits” — no people relish such things more than the Buckeyes. I have only one word more of advice to offer viz: Go in boldly, strike straight from the shoulder, — hit below the belt as well as above, and kick like thunder.
Yours in haste
J. Medill
You can describe the alarming strides the doctrine of opening the African slave trade is making The northern democracy are sore on that score.
P. S.
I guess the state Treasurer trouble will over without doing us any material harm.
J M
From Joshua R. Giddings to Abraham Lincoln, September 12, 1859
Buffalo Sept 12, 1859
My Dear Friend
Several gentlemen of this City expressed to me this evening an anxiety to have you visit this City. They informed me they had written Govr Chace
I hope you will come without fail
Very truly
J R Giddings
From Russell Errett to Abraham Lincoln, September 13, 1859
Gaxette Office,
Pittsburgh, Sept 13 1859
Dear Sir — Would it be convenient for you, before your return home, to visit Pittsburgh and give us a speech?
Please write me and let me know if you can come, and when; we will make ample arrangements, and give you as large an audience as you can wish.
Very Truly
Yours
Russell Errett
Member State Repub. Com.
From John A. Kasson to Abraham Lincoln [Typescript] 1, September 13, 1859
Collected Works, Supplement I, 46.
(Copy)
Des Moines, Iowa, 13th Sept. 59.
Dear Sir:
Will it be possible for you to visit Oskaloosa in this State, at the State Fair, say the 28th Sept.? and speak there, & perhaps at one or more other places.
It is earnestly desired you should visit the State if possible.
Very truly y'r. Fr'd. & Ob't. Serv't.
John A. Kasson
(Tuesday)
From M. A. Northrop to Abraham Lincoln, September 14, 1859
Beloit, Wis., Sept. 14th 1859 —
Dear Sir —
Seeing by our papers that you have accepted an invitation to deliver the address at our State fair at Milwaukee, the last of this month — Our City Republican Club have instructed me to write and see if you would stop at our place on your return home from the fair, and address the Citizens of old Rock County, on the great political issues which now absorbes the public mind in the Northwest.
Collected Works, III, 482-84.
It is their desire that you should open the Campaign here, if your engagements would permit — You can come from Milwaukee to our place by Rail Road and from here to Freeport or Belvidere by R. R.
Hopeing to hear from you by return mail I subscribe myself.
Very Respectfully &c
M. A. Northrop
Corresponding Sec.
Beloit City Republican Club.
Abraham Lincoln, Notes for Speeches in Kansas and Ohio 1, [September 16 and 17, 1859]
1 On the heels of earlier appearances in Ohio by Stephen A. Douglas, Lincoln was invited by the Republican Central Committee of that state to give several speeches in September, 1859. Collected Works, III, 425n.
These notes exist in several segments or fragments, as noted below. Some more obviously relate to the Kansas territorial situation than others.
[Fragment 1]
q. v. below.
[We want,] and must have a national policy in regard [slavery,] which deals with it as being a wrong— Whoever [would prevent] its nationalization, and perpetuity, surrender [that?] when he yields to a policy treating it, either as being right, or as a matter of indifference— We admit that the general government is not charged with the duty of redressing, or preventing, every all wrongs in the world— But it rightfully may, subject to the constitution, redress, and prevent, all wrongs which are such wrongs to the nation itself— It is expressly charged with the duty of providing for the general welfare— We think slavery impairs and endangers the general welfare— Those who do not think think this, are not of us, and we can not argue with them— We must shape our own course, upon our own judgment—
We must not disturb slavery in the states where it exists, because the constitution, and peace of the country, both forbid us— We must allow allow not withold an efficient fugitive slave law, because the constitution requires it—
We must, by a national policy, prevent the spread of slavery into either teritories or free states;men who pervert it—
[To] effect our main object we have to employ auxil[iary] [means.] We must hold conventions, adopt platforms, select candidates, and carry elections: At every step we must be true to the main purpose— If we adopt a platform, falling short of our principle, or elect a man rejecting our principle, we not only take nothing affirmative by our success, but draw upon us the positive embarrassment of seeming to have ourselves abandoned our principles ourselves—
That our principle, however baffled, or delayed, will finally triumph, I do not permit myself to doubt, Men will pass away — die, politically, and naturally, but the principles will live, and live forever— Organizations, rallied around that principle, may, by their own foll, folly, go to pieces thereby losing all their time and labor— But the principle will remain, and will reproduce another, and another till the final triumph will come. But to bring it soon, to stay when brought, we must save our labor already performed — our organization, which has cost so much time and toil to create— We must keep our principle constantly in view— And, as to men for leaders, we must remember that “he that is not for us is against us— “he that gathereth not with us scattereth[.”]
[Fragment 2]
Collected Works adduce evidence suggesting that this fragment was originally drafted early in 1859 for delivery before the Kansas Republican Convention, but not delivered. Collected Works, III, 425n.
Introduction
Purpose of the Republican organization—
The Republican party believe there is danger that Slavery will be further extended, and ultimately made national in the United States; and to prevent this incidental, and final consummation, is the purpose
Chief danger to that purpose
A congressional slave code, for the territories, and the revival of the African trade and a second Dred Scott decision; are not, just now, the chief danger to our purpose— These will press us in due time, but they are not quite ready yet — they know that, as yet, we are too strong for them— The insidious Douglas popular sovereignty, which prepares the way for this ultimate danger, it is, which just now constitutes our chief danger—
Popular Sovereignty.
I say Douglas popular sovereignty; for there is a broad distinction between real popular Sovereignty and Douglas popular sovereignty—. That the nation shall control what concerns it; that a state, or any minor political community, shall control what exclusively concerns it; and that an individual shall control what exclusively concerns him, is a real popular sovereignty, which no republican opposes—
But this is not Douglas popular sovereignty— Douglas popular sovereignty, as a matter of principle, simply is “If one man will would enslave another, neither the man sought to be enslaved that other, nor any third man, has a right to object”
Douglas popular sovereignty, as he practically applies it, is “If any organized political community, however new and small, would enslave men, or forbid their being enslaved within its own teritorial limits; however the doing the one or the other, may affect the men sought to be enslaved, or the vastly superior number of men who are afterwards to come within those limits; or the family of communities of which is it is but one a member, or the head of that family, as the parent, of and common guardian of the whole — however any, or all, there are to be effected, neither any nor all may interfere”
This is Douglas popular sovereignty—
He has great difficulty with it— His speeches, and letters, and essays, and explanations, of explanations explained, upon it, are legion— The most lengthy, and, as I suppose, the most maturely considered, is that recently published in Harper's Magazine—
Before considering these main objects, I wish to consider a few minor points of the copy-right essay—
Harper's Magazine 19 (September, 1859), 521-539.
Last year Gov. Seward and myself, at different times and occasions, expressed the opinion that slavery is a durable element of discord, and that we shall not have peace with it, until it either masters, or is mastered by, the free principle— This gave great offence to Judge Douglas; and his denunciations of it, and absurd inferences from it have never ceased. Almost at the very beginning of the copy-right essay he quotes the language respectively of Seward and myself (not quite accurately, but substantially in my case) upon this point, and repeats his absurd and extravagant inferences— For lack of time I omit much which I might say here with propriety; and content myself with two remarks only upon the point— The first is that, in asmuch as Douglas, in this very essay, tells us slavery agitation began in the country, in 1699, and has not yet ceased — has lasted through a hundred and sixty years — through ten entire generations of men — it might have occurred to even him that slavery, in its tendency to agitation and discord, has something slightly durable about it— The second remark is that Judge Douglas might have noticed, if he would while he was diving so deeply into history — the historical fact that the only comparative peace we have had with slavery during that hundred and sixty years, was in the period from the Revolution to 1820 — precisely the period through which we were closing out the African slave-trade, abolishing slavery in several of the states, and restraining the spread of it into new ones, by the ordinance of '87 — precisely the period in which the public mind had reason to rest, and did rest, in the belief that slavery was in course of ultimate extinction—
Another point, which for the present I shall touch only hastily, is Judge Douglas' assumption that the States and teritories differ only in the fact that the States are in the Union, and the teritories are not in it— But if this be the only difference, why not bring instantly bring the teritories in? Why Keep them out? Do you say they are unfitted for it? What unfits them? Especially what unfits them for any duty in the Union, after they are fit, if they choose, to plant the soil they sparsely inhabit, with slaves slavery, beyond the power of the millions of successors to eradicate it, and to the durable discord of the Union?— What function of sovereignty, out of the Union or in it, is so portentous as this? What function of government requires such perfect maturity, in numbers, and everything else, among those who exercise it? It is a concealed assumption of [Dougla's] popular sovereignty that slavery is a little, harmless, indifferent thing; having no wrong in it, and no power for mischief about it— If all men looked upon it as he does, his policy in regard to it might do— But neither all, nor half the world, so look upon it—
Near the close of the essay Douglas tells us that his popular sovereignty pertains to a people only after they are regularly organized into a political community; and that Congress, in it's discretion, must decide when they are fit in point of numbers, to be so organized— Now, I should like for him to point out, in the constitution any clause conferring that discretion upon Congress, which when pointed out, will not be equally a power in Congress to govern them, in it's discretion, till they are admitted as a state— Will he try? He intimates that before the exercise of that discretion, their number must be ten, fifteen, or twenty thousand— Well, what is to be done for them, or with them, or by them, before they number ten thousand? If any one of them desires to have slaves, is any other one bound to help him, or at liberty to hinder him? Is it his plan that any time before they reach the required, number, those who are on hand, shall be driven out as trespassers— If so, it will probably be a good while before a sufficient number to organize, will get in—
But plainly enough this conceding to congress the [discre]tion as to when a community shall be organized, is a total surrender of his popular sovereignty— He says himself it does not pertain to them a people until they are organized; and that when they shall be organized is in the discretion of Congress— Suppose Congress shall choose to not organize them, until they are numerous enough to come into the Union as a State— By his own rule, his popular sovereignty is derived from Congress, and can not be exercised by the people till Congress chooses to confer it— After toiling through nineteen mortal pages of Harper, to show that Congress can not Keep the people of a new country from excluding slaves, in a single closing paragraph he makes the whole thing depend on Congress at last— And should Congress refuse to organize, how will that affect the question of planting slavery in a new country? If individuals choose to plant it, the people can not prevent them, for they are not yet clothed with popular sovereignty— If it be said that it can not be planted, in fact, without protective law, that is already falsified by history; for it was originally planted on this continent without protective law—
And by the way, it is probable that no act of teritorial organization could be passed by the present Senate; and almost certainly not by both the Senate and House of Representatives— If an act declares the right of Congress to exclude slavery, the Republicans would vote for it, and both wings of the democracy against it— If it denied the power to either exclude or protect it, the Douglasites would vote for it, and both the Republicans and slave-coders against it— If it denied the power to exclude, and asserted the power to protect, the Slave-coders would vote for it, and the Republicans and Douglasites against it—
[Fragment 3]
Collected Works treat this as part of Fragment 2. They conjecture that it was “probably prepared in February or March, 1859, for the Kansas state Republican convention and used in part at Chicago, March 1, and Cincinnati, September 17.” Collected Works, III, 429n.
You [are] now a part of a people of a teritory but that teritory is soon to be [a] State of the Union— Both in your individual and collective capacities, you have the same interest in the past, the present, and the future, of the United States, as any other portion of the people. Most of you came from the States, and all of you soon will be citizens of the common Union— What I shall now address to you will have neither greater nor less application to you, than to any other people of the nation—
You are gathered to-day, as a Republican Convention — republican, in the party sense, and, as we hope, in the true, original, sense of the word republican—
I assume that Republicans, throughout the nation, believe they are right, and are earnest, and determined in their cause—
Let them, then, Keep constantly in view that the chief object of their organization is to prevent the Spread and Nationalization, of Slavery— With this ever distinctly before us we can always better see at what point our cause is most in danger—
We are, as I think, in the present temper, or state of public sentiment, in no danger from the open advocates of a Congressional slave-code for the teritories, and of the revival of the African Slave-trade. As yet we are strong enough to meet, and master any combination openly formed on those grounds— It is only the insidious position of Douglas, that endangers our cause— That position is simply an ambuscade— By entering into contest with our open enemies, we are to be lured into his train; and then, having lost our own organization, and arms, we are to be turned over to those same open enemies—
Douglas' position leads to the nationalization of Slavery as surely as does that of Jeff. Davis, and Mason of Virginia— The two positions are but slightly different roads to the same place — with this difference, that the nationalization of slavery can be reached by Douglas' route, and never can by the other—
I have said that in our present moral tone and temper, we are strong enough for our open enemies; and so we are— But the chief effect of Douglasism, is to change that tone and temper. When who support the measures of a political leader do, almost of necessity, adopt the reasoning and sentiments the leader advances in support of them— The reasoning and sentiments advanced by Douglas in support of his policy as to slavery, all spring from the view that slavery is not wrong— In the first place he never says it is wrong— He says he does not care whether it shall be voted down or voted up— He says whoever wants slavery has a right to have it— He says the question whether people will have it or not is simply a question of dollars and cents— He says the Almighty has drawn a line across the continent, on one side of which the soil must be cultivated by slave labor—
Now, let the people of the free-states adopt these sentiments, and they will be unable to see a single reason for maintaning their prohibitions of slavery in their own states— “What! Do you mean to say that anything in these sentiments requires us to believe it will be the interest of the Northern states to have slavery?” No. I do mean to say, though, that although it is not the interest of the Northern states to grow cotten, none of them have, or need, any law against it; and it would be tyrany to deprive any one man of the privilege to grow cotten in Illinois— There are many individual men in all the free-states who desire to have slaves; and if you admit that slavery is not wrong, it is absolute tyrany to deny them the privilege— It is no just function of government to prohibit what is not wrong—
Again, if slavery is right — ordained by the Almighty — on one side of a line, dividing sister states of a common Union, then it is positively wrong to harrass, and bedevil the owners of it, with constitutions, and laws, and prohibitions of it on the other side of the line—
In short, there is no justification for prohibiting slavery anywhere, save only in the assumption that slavery is wrong— And whenever the sentiment, that slavery is wrong, shall give way in the North, all legal prohibitions of it will also give way—
If it be insisted that men may support Douglas' measures, without adopting his sentiments, let it be tested by what is actually passing before us— You can, even now, find no Douglas man who will disown any one of these sentiments; and none but will actually indorse them, if pressed to the point—
Five years ago no living man had placed on record, nor, as I believe, verbally expressed, the opinion a denial that negroes have, no a share in the Declaration of Independence— Two or three years since Douglas began to deny it; and now every Douglas man in the nation denies it—
To the same effect is the absurdity compounded of support to the Dred Scott decision, and unfriendly legislation, to the Slavery, by the teritories — the absurdity which asserts that there a thing may be lawfully driven from a place, at which place it has a lawful right to remain— That absurd position will not be long maintained by any one— The Dred Scott half of it, will soon master the other half— The process will probably be about this: Some teritorial legislature will adopt unfriendly legislation; the Supreme Court will decide that legislation to be unconstitutional, and then the advocates of the present “compound absurdity, will acquiesce in the decisions— The only effect of that postion now is, to prepare it's advocates for such acquiesence when the time comes— Like wood for ox-bows, they are merely being soaked in it, preparatory to the bending— The advocates of a slave code are not now strong enough to master us; and they never will be, unless recruits enough to make them so, be tolled in through the gap of Douglasism— Douglas, on the sly, is effecting more for them, than all their open advocates— He has reason to be provoked, that they will not understand him, and recognize him as their best friend— He can not be more plain, without being so plain, as to lure no one into their trap — so plain, as to lose his power to serve them profitably— Take other instances— Last year both Gov. Seward and myself expressed the belief that this government can not endure permanently half-[slave] and half-free— This gave great offence to Douglas and after the fall election in Illinois, he became quite rampant upon it— At Chicago, St. Louis, Memphis and New-Orleans, he denounced it as a “fatal heresy” With great pride he claimed that he had crushed it in Illinois, and modestly regretted that he could not have been in New-York to crush it there too— How the heresy [is] fatal to any thing, or what the thing is to which it is fatal, he has never paused to tell us— At all events, it is a fatal heresy in his view when expressed by Northern men— Not so, when expressed by men of the South— In 1856, Roger A Pryor, editor of the Richmond Enquirer, expressed the same belief, it in that paper — quite two years before it was expressed by either Seward or me— But Douglas perceived no “heresy” in it then — talked not of going to Virginia to crush it out—
This brings us to see that in Douglas' view this opinion is a “fatal heresy” when expressed by men wishing to have the nation all free; and is no heresy at all, when expressed by men wishing to have it all slave— Douglas has cause to complain that the South will not note this and give him credit for it—
At Memphis Douglas told his audience that he was for the negro against the crocodile, but for the white man against the negro— This was [not a] sudden thought spontaneously thrown off at Memphis— He said the same thing many times in Illinois last summer and autumn, though I am not sure it was reported then. It is a carefully framed illustration of the estimate he places upon the negro and the manner he would have him dealt with— It is a sort of proposition in proportion— “As the negro is to the crocodile, so the white man is to the negro.” As the negro ought to treat the crocodile as a beast, so the white man ought to treat the negro as a beast. Gentlemen of the South, is not that satisfactory? Will you give Douglas no credit for impressing that sentiment on the Northern mind for your benefit? Why, you should magnify him to the utmost, in order that he may impress it the more deeply, broadly, and surely.
[Fragment 4]
A hope is often expressed that all the elements of opposition to the so-called democracy may unite in the next presidential elections; and to favor this, it is suggested that at least one candidate on the opposition national ticket, must be resident in the slave states— I strongly sympathize with this hope; and the particular suggestion presents no difficulty with me— There are very many men in the slave states who, as men, and statesmen, and patriots, are quite good enough for acceptable to me for either President or Vice-President— But there is a difficulty of another sort; and I think it most prudent for us to face that difficulty at once— Will those good men of the South occupy any ground upon which we of the free-states can vote for them? There's the rub— They seem to labor under a huge mistake in regard to us— They say they are tired of theagitation— We think the slaves, and free white laboring men too, have more reason to be tired of slavery, that than masters have to be tired of agitation about it— In Kentucky a democratic candidate for congress takes ground against a congressional slave code for the territories; whereupon his opponent, in full hope to unite with Republicans in 1860, takes ground in favor of such slave code— Such hope, under such circumstances, is delusion gross as insanity itself— Rational men can only entertain it, in the strange belief that Republicans are not in earnest for their principles — that they are really devoted to no principle of their own, but are ready for, and anxious to jump to, any position not occupied by the democracy— This mistake must be dispelled. For the sake of their principles, in forming their party they broke and sacrificed, the strongest mere party ties and advantages which can exist— Republicans believe that slavery is wrong; and they insist, and will continue to insist upon a national policy which recognizes it, and deals with it as a wrong— There can be no letting down about this— Simultaneously with such letting down, the republican organization itself would go to pieces, and half it's elements go in a different direction, leaving an easy victory to the common ene[my]— No ingenuity of political trades could possibly hold it together— About this there is no joke, and can be no trifling— Understanding this, that Republicanism can never mix with teritorial slave-codes, becomes self evident—
[Fragment 5]
In this contest, mere men are nothing— We could come down to Douglas, quite as well, as to any other man standing with him; and better than to any other man standing below, or beyond him— The simple problem is, will any good and capable man of the South, allow the Republicans to elect him, on their own platform? If such man can be found, I believe the thing can be done— It can be done, in no other way—
But what do we gain, say you, by such a union? Certainly not much everything; but still something, and quite all that we, for our lives, can possibly give— In yielding a share of the high honors and offices to you, you gain the assurance that ours is not a [illegible] mere struggle to secure those honors and offices for our section— You gain the assurance that we mean no more than we say in our platforms; else we would not entrust you to execute them— You gain the assurance that we intend no invasion of your having rights or your honor, else we would not make one of you the executor of the laws, and commander of the Army and Navy—
[Fragment 6]
As a matter of mere partizan policy, there is no reason for, [and much] against, any letting down of the Republican platform in order to form a union with Southern opposition— By no possibility can a union ticket secure a single electoral vote in the South, unless the Republican platform be so far let down as to lose every electoral vote in the North; and, even at that, not a single vote would be secured in the South, unless, by bare possibility, those of Maryland—
There is no successful basis of union, but for some good Southern man to allow us of the North to elect him square on our own platform— Plainly, it is that, or nothing—
The St. Louis Intelliger is out in favor of a good man for President, to be run without a platform— Well, I am not wedded to the formal written platform system; but a thousand to one, the editor is not himself in favor of his plan, except with the qualification, that he and his sort, are to select and name the “good man” To bring him to the test, is he willing to take Seward without a platform? O, no; Seward's antecedents exclude him, say you— Well, is your good man, without antecedents? If he is, how shall the nation know that he is a good man? The sum of the matter is that, in the absence of formal written platforms, the antecedents of candidates become their platforms— On just such platforms, all our earlier and better Presidents were elected; but this by no means facilitates a union of men who differ in opinion principles—
Nor [do I] be[lie]ve we can ever advance our principles, by supporting men who are opposed to our principles. Last year, as you know, we republicans in Illinois, were advised by numerous, and respectable outsiders to re-elect Douglas to the Senate by our votes— I never questioned the motives of such advisers; nor the devotion to the republican cause of such as professed to be republicans— But I never, for a moment, thought of following the advice; and have never yet regretted that we did not follow it— True, Douglas is back in the Senate in spite of us; but we are clear of him, and his principles; and, untrammeled, we are we are uncrippled and ready to fight both him and them straight along till they shall be finally “closed out”— Had we followed the advice, there would now be no Republican party in Illinois, and none, to speak of, anywhere in the nation else.
The whole thing would now be floundering on along after Douglas, upon the Dred Scott and crocodile theory— It would have been the grandest “haul” for slavery, ever yet made— Our principles [would] still live, and ere long would produce a party; but we should have lost all our past labor, and twenty years of time, by the folly—
Take an illustration— About a year ago all the republicans in congress voted for what was called the Crittenden-Montgomery-bill;
It is nothing to the contrary, that republicanism gained something by electing Haskins, Hickman, and Davis—small men— I mean no disrespect; they may have large merit; but and Republicans can dally with them, and absorb, or expel them, at pleasure— If they dally with Douglas, he absorbs them—
[Fragment 7]
Collected Works believe, “in common with [Fragment 3] seems to be part of the earlier manuscript prepared in February or March for use in Kansas, and here revised for use at Cincinnati.” Collected Works, III, 435n.
We want, and must have, a national policy, as to slavery, which deals with it as being a wrong— Whoever would prevent slavery becoming national and perpetual, yields all, when he yields to a policy which treats it either as being right, or as being a matter of indifference—
We admit that the U. S. general government is not charged with the duty of redressing, or preventing, all the wrongs in the wrongs in the world— But that government rightfully may, and, subject to the constitution, ought to, redress and prevent all wrongs, which are wrongs to the nation itself— It is expressly charged with the duty of providing for the general welfare— We think slavery impairs, and endangers the general welfare— Those who do not think this are not of us, and we can not argue with them— We must shape our own course by our own judgment—
We must not disturb slavery in the states where it exists, because the Constitution, and the peace of the country both forbid us— We must not withhold an efficient fugitive slave law, because the constitution demands it—
But we must, by a national policy, prevent the spread of slavery into new territories, or free states, because the constitution does not forbid us, and the general welfare does demand such prevention— We must prevent the revival of the African slave trade, because the constitution does not forbid us, and the general welfare does require the prevention— We must prevent these things being done, by either congresses or courts— The people — the people — are the rightful masters of both Congresses, and courts — not to overthrow the Constitution, but to overthrow the men who pervert it—
To effect our main object, we have to employ auxiliary means— We must hold conventions, adopt platforms, select candidates, and carry elections— At every step we must be true to the main purpose— If we adopt a platform, falling short of our principle, or elect a man rejecting our principle, we not only take nothing affirmative by our success; but we draw upon us the positive embarrassment of seeming ourselves to have abandoned our principle—
That our principle, however baffled, or delayed, will finally triumph, I do not permit myself to doubt— Men will pass away — die — die, politically, and naturally, but the principle will live, and live forever— Organizations, rallied around that principle, may, by their own dereliction, go to pieces, thereby losing all their time and labor— But the principle will remain and will reproduce another and another till the final triumph will come—
But to bring it soon, we must save our labor already performed — our organization, which has cost so much time and toil to create— We must keep our principle constantly in view, and never be false to it—
And as to men, for leaders, we must remember that “He that is not for us, is against us; and he that gathereth not with us scattereth”
From Thomas A. Howland to Lincoln and Herndon 1, September 16, 1859
Office White Howland & Co.
No. 50 23 William Street,
New York, Sept 16 1859
Dear Sirs
The deposition of Mr T. C. Dumond — has been taken. I am fearful that the Defendence will not use it in the trial for it is altogether against their cause, unless you can compell them to do so. I think you had better send on and have his deposition taken for it must be of grate benfit to us. We must not fail to get judgment the next time; I wish you would look the case over and let me know what you want to prove to beat them.
Mr Bryant has been in town for some time past trying to make some negotiation with his bonds for [Iron?] but without success.
Yours truly
T. A. Howland
From Richard Lloyd to Abraham Lincoln, September 16, 1859
Henry, Ills., Sept 16/ 59
Dr Sir. Yrs of the 9th instperson attend to the matter at Edwardsville soon, as to the record & certificate attached of the filing of the deed.
As to the Will, you say send it to the Copy I have from Probate office at Boston, back to Boston & have certificate attached that said will was duly executed & proven according to the laws & usages of Massachusetts. This certified bring it again to Ills. & have it recorded in the Probate Office at Quincy, get there a certified copy of same & leave the original in Probate office at Quincy. You further say that a certified copy of the will as of record in the Probate Office at Quincy now may possibly answer but that a question may arise as to whether the Will was duly recorded. I cannot understand you as to its having been duly recorded, if the [the] original will of Evarts was many years ago, admitted to Probate & recorded in the Probate office at Quincy Co Seat of Adams as I think was done by Moore Morton & Co Quincy as Agents for Evarts please say if such is the fact, will not a certified copy of the Will from the Probate office Adams Co answer, provided that, the necessary certificate is attached as to the Will having been duly executed &c according to the laws of Massachusetts when admitted to record in Adams?
Again, How do we make a certified copy of the will to be admitted in evidence instead of the original will, so also we have only a certified copy from Adams County of the Deed from Samuel Hoar, Surviving Exect. of Evarts, how do we use this certified copy instead of the original in evidence. Again I expect to go to New York and you will please prepare the necessary papers for taking depositions to prove that Samuel Hoar Esq was sole surviving Executor of Mr Evarts.
Your usual prompt reply will greatly oblige
Yr obt servt
R. Lloyd
From Jonathan Haines to Abraham Lincoln 1, September 17, 1859
Chicago 17th Sept/ 59
Dear Sir
Judge McLean
v. Rugg was a patent case involving Alfred and Jonathan Haines, reaper manufacturers at Pekin, Illinois, and George H. Rugg who manufactured reapers at Ottawa, Illinois. Lincoln represented the plaintiffs, who claimed that Rugg built and sold 300 reapers having features similar to their own. The suit was decided in the U. S. Circuit Court for the Northern District of Illinois in March 1858. The plaintiffs asked for $20,000 in damages, but were awarded only $2,300. Rugg appealed the case to the U. S. Supreme Court, which ultimately upheld the decision of the lower court. Lincoln remained on the case until his election in 1860.
Can you be here on next week, or the fore part of the following week? to argue the case of a new trial, as Judge Dickey
I prefer you to be here as early as Thursday of next week if it suits your convenience. Write or telegram me at Pekin what day you can be here. Hon S. Fuller will ask for judgement & Execution provided this matter is not attended too immediately.
Truly Yours
Jonathan Haines
P. S. If Mr Lincoln is not at home, will his partner in Law pleas forward to him, and try to obtain an answer as soon as possible
J H
From R. T. Cassell to Abraham Lincoln, September 19, 1859
Metamora Sept 19. 1859
D Sir
I am interested in knowing upon what grounds you expect to gain the suit Farni vs Tesson.
You friend
R T. Cassell
From William M. Evarts to Richard Lloyd 1, September 20, 1859
New York Sept. 20 1859
Dear Sir
In reply to your letter of 16th inst. I Enclose the original deed from Samuel Hoar the Ex'r &c to myself the receipt of which please acknowledge. Samuel Hubbard the other Execr upon my fathers will died in Boston Dec. 24 1847 being at the time a Justice of the Supreme Court of Massachusetts. You will find in 13 Metcalf Mass Reports page 548 a notice of the meeting of the Bar held upon occasion of his death. Probably the fact thus publicly noticed would not be disputed by any lawyer.
If necessary however, Gardner Greene Hubbard Esq. or Wm J Hubbard Esq of Boston will prove the date of Judge Hubbard's death. Chas W. Storey Esq of Boston would be a Suitable person to issue a Commission to, to take the depositions I cannot give you the name of a Notary in Boston—
Yours Respcly
From Theophilus L. Dickey to Abraham Lincoln 1, September 21, 1859
Sept 21
From Chicago
The U. S. Court will hear Haines vs Rugg at any day when can you attend
T. L. Dickey
From Joshua F. Speed to Abraham Lincoln, September 22, 1859
Louisville 22 Sept 1859
Dear Lincln —
Our national race course is to opened here on the 10th of October, when we expect to have some of the best horses in America to compete for the purses—
In addition we think we can show the prettiest women.
If you are not too old to enjoy either the speed of the horses or the beauty of the women come, and we will give a hearty welcome—
If you come, bring Van Bergen
J. F. Speed
From L. Burlingame to Abraham Lincoln, September 24, 1859
Campbell Coles Co Ills
Mr A Lincoln Sir
Mrs Matilda Moor
Mr Starkwether is employid to defend the case and wants you to come and help him Cort Commences the 1 Monday of Oct
Sept 24 1859
By request of Matilda Moor
L. Burlingame
From James H. Stewart to Abraham Lincoln, September 24, 1859
Banking Office of S. S. Phelps & Co
Oquawka, Ill., Sept 24th 1859.
Dear Sir
There is a case in the Sangamon Circuit Court of Lawrence Riggs & others vs Edwin Patterson — on two notes for the aggregate of $266.25 $295.00/00 as they think
The facts of the case are these J. C. Conklin
So it is a base fraud— Patterson depended entirely on the representations of Conklin— Patterson has already offered to lose the amount he has actually paid ($305.00/100) and give up the Bond Riggs had no possession of the land— Mr Phelps wishes your advice as to whether he can successfully defend the suit against Patterson— Can Conklin be depended on to tell the truth,—
How he shall proceed to defend and what is the chance of success—
Mr Phelps wants you to attend to the case if there is any chance of success—
J. H. Stewart